This report was produced by Novib and represents exclusively its own views. These views have not been adopted or in way approved by the European Commission and should not be relied upon as a statement of the European Commission's or its services. The European Commission does not guarantee the accuracy of the data included in this report, nor does it accept responsibility for any use made thereof.

Executive Summary

This research focuses on what people in Somalia/land know, believe and practise around the issues of FGM. By better understanding why people practise FGM it is hoped that more effective interventions to end the practice can be developed. This research has been undertaken in coordination with the Somali Aid Coordination Body FGM Task Force and it is expected to contribute to the development of a common strategy for the eradication of all forms of FGM in Somalia/land.

The research was conducted by three women's coalitions in Somalia/land; Nagaad, WAWA and COGWO and compiled by Novib. Over two thousand people, broken down into five groups, were targeted by this research; religious leaders, young males aged 15- 25, and three age groups of women, 6-15 years, 16-45 years and over 45. These were identified as those either most effected by FGM or able to make most impact on the practice.

The research participants cited religious requirement and a set of related beliefs around the need to suppress female sexuality (purity, honour, chastity etc.) as the primary reasons for the practice of FGM. These are therefore the issues that need to be addressed in campaigning to eradicate FGM. The underlying social and economic conditions of women were also highlighted by the networks as key factors.

The study participants' knowledge of FGM was often contradictory or confused. Medical language is used to describe FGM, which reflects the translation undertaken by the women's networks, but also serves to distance the speaker from the actual practice of FGM. Respondents were familiar with the side effects of FGM and primarily identified the health consequences of FGM as the reason to abandon the practice (if they felt that it should be abandoned). This indicates that this may be the most effective initial entry point in addressing FGM. However, the more ideologically charged issues of FGM, sexuality, religion and the status of women, will have to be considered in the campaigns at some point.

The study data indicates a possible reduction in the incidence of infibulation among the younger generation in Hargeisa, in contrast to a seeming increase in Mogadishu, this may imply a relationship between perceived security and the type of FGM performed. It may also indicate some success in efforts in Somaliland to combat the most severe forms of FGM.

Some confusion arose in the course of the research surrounding the use of the term FGM, which appears to be associated by some groups only with the practice of infibulation. Other forms of the practice tend to be denoted by the terms `sunna' or even `circumcision'. Groups that have previously been identified as potential key players in the campaign against FGM, specifically religious leaders, and even some within the women's networks themselves, expressed ambivalence or support towards the ill-defined practice of `sunna' in the course of the survey. It will therefore be crucial to establish clarity as to the meaning of terms but more importantly to resolve attitudes to all forms of the practice of FGM to ensure the all parties are in agreement with the strategy.

Therefore, recommendations are:

Training and exposure for the women's networks to enable them to be effective, accurate and coherent as activists, specifically addressing the ambiguity towards `sunna' circumcision.
- Religious leaders must be used cautiously in the campaigns. Their hostility to infibulation represents an opportunity but their ambivalence or support towards `sunna' must be considered and positions clarified.
- The fact that significant numbers of mothers (17% in parts of Somalia/land) do not intend to circumcise and that these women are the key decision makers on FGM calls for a campaigning focus on this group, in particular to support those who currently do not intend to circumcise and eventually use them as role models.
- Campaigning and awareness-raising should focus on the misperception of FGM as an Islamic requirement and directly (but acceptably) address the fear of female sexuality.
- Campaigning should also focus on highlighting the health consequences of FGM, particularly regarding child birth, as these are consistently given as the reasons for eradicating FGM by those who support its abandonment.
- Conflict and absence of security appears to be a contributing reason for the continuation of FGM, particularly `pharaonic' infibulation. This should be further explored.
- Behaviour change will have to be led by particular groups and lead groups should be identified and targeted. The study indicates a greater potential for change among more secure, urban populations.

1.0 Introduction

Female genital mutilation (FGM) affects more than 100 million girls and women worldwide. In Somalia/land, an estimated 98% of women have undergone the procedure, the majority of whom have undergone the most severe form of the practice; infibulation or `pharaonic' circumcision, which involves the removal of part or all of the external female genitals and the narrowing of the vaginal passage. This practice has serious effects on the health and well-being of women and is a human rights violation.

This research focuses on what people in Somalia/land know, believe and practice around the issues of FGM. By better understanding why people practice FGM it is hoped that more effective interventions to end the practice can be developed. This research has been undertaken in coordination with the Somali Aid Coordination Body FGM Task Force and it is expected to contribute to the development of a common strategy for the eradication of all forms of FGM in Somalia/land. The research complements other recently conducted studies into FGM in Somalia/land, in particular the World Bank/UNFPA study, `Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Somalia'.1

This research was conducted by three women's coalitions in Somalia/land; Nagaad, WAWA and COGWO. Nagaad, based in Hargeisa, Somaliland, is an umbrella organisation, established in 1997, with 32 member organisations. Nagaad's core objectives are to assist with the rebuilding of Somaliland society and to advocate for women's rights and advance the economic, social and political status of women in Somaliland. The We Are Women Activists (WAWA) network was established in 2000 by a group of fifteen women's NGOs involved in human rights, peace promotion, social services and empowering women. The establishment of the network sought to facilitate the work of its individual members and to advocate for the rights of women. WAWA now has 22 members operating in all the Puntland regions and Cabudwaq and Balan-bale of the Galgudud region. The Coalition of Grassroots Women's Organisations (COGWO), established in Mogadishu in 1996, is an umbrella of women's organisations working for the social, political and economic empowerment of Somali women with a specific focus on three goals: peace, women's rights and capacity building of COGWO members. COGWO has 20 organisational members and additional individual activists.

These three networks are members of the Strategic Initiative for the Horn of Africa (SIHA), a regional network, supported by Novib, comprising 18 women's organisations from across the Horn of Africa. SIHA's mission is to stop violence against women and it has identified the eradication of FGM as a priority focus. SIHA and its members are participating in a worldwide campaign to stop violence against women, led by Amnesty International. In Somalia/land FGM has been identified as the most prevalent form of violence against women, meriting urgent action, and is therefore the focus of the campaign. This research into knowledge and beliefs about, attitudes towards and practices of FGM in Somalia/land is undertaken as part of the `Stop Violence Against Women' campaign in order to better develop campaign tools. The campaign was launched on March 8 2004, International Women's Day, with demonstrations, public meetings and performances to raise awareness of the issue throughout Somalia/land.

Novib (Oxfam Netherlands) has been engaged with civil society in Somalia/land since 1996 and has provided core support to numerous Somali civil society organisations and networks. In 2001 the `Strengthening Somali Civil Society' programme was established to provide capacity-building support and direct funding to civil society organisations in Somalia/land. This programme is largely funded by the EC Somalia Unit. Novib has worked with the women's coalitions since the beginning of its programming and supports the `Stop Violence Against Women' campaign. Novib is responsible for the compilation of this report from the research data collected by the women's coalitions.

1.1 Objectives

The objective of the `Stop Violence Against Women' campaign is to raise awareness of the harmful effects of FGM and address misunderstandings as to the religious and cultural aspects of the practice in order to reduce the incidence of FGM in Somalia/land. The objectives of this research are to:

- Collect baseline data against which the impact of the campaign can be measured;
- Collect information on the knowledge, attitudes, beliefs and practices around FGM in order to better understand the reasons the practice is perpetuated and therefore better design a campaign to combat it;
- Initiate mobilisation of and awareness-raising among leaders and communities in carrying out the research;
- Identify needs and weaknesses in the fight against FGM;
- Increase the capacity of the women's organisations by enhancing their research skills and enabling information to be available;
- Contribute to the development of a common strategy for the eradication of all forms of FGM by the SACB FGM Task Force.

1.2 Methodology

This research was undertaken by the three women's networks in their respective areas, covering Somaliland, Puntland and Mogadishu, Lower and Middle Shabelle. Enumerators from the networks' member organisations were selected and trained in the research methodology. The methodology aimed to get a representative sample of opinion, interviewing a total sample of over 2000 people, reflecting the rural/urban ratio of 70:30.

Five groups were targeted by this research; religious leaders, young males aged 15-25, and three age groups of women, 6-15 years, 16-45 years and over 45. These were identified as those either most effected by FGM or able to make most impact on the practice. It was therefore considered that it was the knowledge, attitudes and practices of these groups that warranted most attention. Different methodologies were used for different groups. The young males and the youngest and eldest groups of women were addressed in focus group discussions, guided by common questions. Women aged 16-45 and religious leaders were interviewed individually using questionnaires.

Participants were selected at random. The research was undertaken in September 2004. The full methodology, including selection methods and the questionnaires, is annexed to this report (see Annex I).

1.3 Terminology

There is much controversy over the terminology surrounding the practice of FGM. Terms used include `female circumcision', `female genital cutting' and `female genital mutilation'. Each has its problems. `Circumcision' is felt to equate the practice with male circumcision and to insufficiently reflect the severity of the operation, `mutilation' can be held to be a judgemental term that implies that parents are deliberately `mutilating' their children, `cutting' is a more recent and, some feel, more neutral term. The Somalia Aid Coordination Body (SACB) FGM Task Force recently decided to continue to use the term FGM to reflect the severity of the practice in Somalia/land.2 This terminology is also that used by the Somali women's networks and is therefore that used in this report.

However, women in Somalia/land commonly speak of `circumcision', where this is the case, in either questions or answers, this term is used.

The term Somalia/land is used to refer to the whole former territory of Somalia, which incorporated Somaliland. Somaliland and Puntland are used when referring specifically to those entities. Somalia is used when referring to the pre-1991 territory, or in today's context, to the south and central regions.

2.0 Data presentation

Data is presented broken down by the categories of respondents, for ease of reference. Discrepancies or absences in data presentation reflect the different formats and information provided by the different networks.

2.1 Coverage

COGWO reached a total of 929 respondents in Mogadishu and Lower and Middle Shabelle:

Figure 1: COGWO respondents

Community Group Rural Urban Total Form of research

Females 6-15 years old 70 30 100 Focus group discussion 

Women 16-45 years old 252 111 363 Individual interviews


Women 45+ years old 140 60 200 Focus group discussion
Religious leaders 48 18 66 Individual interviews
Males 15-25 years old 140 60 200 Focus group discussion
Total 650 279 929

WAWA targeted 800 persons from the areas of Garowe, Burtinle, Xarfor, Ba'ad weyn,
Galkaio, Bur salah and Goldogob:

Figure 2: WAWA respondents
Community group Number Form of research
Females 6-15 years old 89 Focus group discussion
Women   16-45 years old 357 Individual interviews
Women   45+ years old 118 Focus group discussion
Religious leaders 68 Individual interviews
Males   15-25 years old 168 Focus group discussion
Total   800

Nagaad reached a total of 932 respondents:
Figure 3: Nagaad respondents
Community group Rural Urban Total Form of research
Females  6-15 years old 70 30 100 Focus group discussion
Women    16-45 years old 252 112 364 Individual interview
Women    45+ years old 140 60 200 Focus group discussion
Religious leaders 50 18 68 Individual interview
Males    15-25 years old 140 60 200 Focus group discussion
Total    652 280 932

All urban participants interviewed by Nagaad were from Hargeisa. Rural respondents in Somaliland were selected from the other five regions from several villages: Bon, Dila and Qulujed in Awdal; Odweine, Buhodle and Bali-Dhig in Togdher; Grardag and Maidh in Sanag; Ainabo and Oog in Sool; and Mandhera, Sheikh and Bulahar in Sahil.

2.2 Females aged 6-15 years

Girls aged between six and fifteen years were selected to participate in the research as it is this group which is most likely to be directly affected by FGM, either already or in the next few years. It is therefore important to gauge attitudes and understanding amongst this age group. However, in light of the vulnerability of such young respondents, this group was addressed in groups of ten, with guided discussion, forming a qualitative element of the research. A summary of the discussions in the different areas is presented below.

2.2.1 Defining FGM

The girls were first asked to define FGM.

The girls interviewed by Nagaad collectively defined FGM as the entire or partial removal of the clitoris, the labia minora and parts of the labia majora, including suturing. In discussions held by COGWO, 40 girls defined FGM as `sunna', 10 as `clitoridectomy' and 50 as `pharaonic' or infibulation.

In the group discussions held by WAWA, 21% of the girls defined FGM as `sewing and cutting', 7% as `cutting', 50% defined it as `sewing' or `stitching', 14% identified FGM as `mutilation' and 7% said they did not know.

These medicalised definitions of FGM may reflect the leadership of the discussion by the women's networks (and their translation of the research data), however, it is notable that these girls appeared to define FGM in literal terms compared to some of the women from older age groups who defined FGM as a `painful experience' or an `Islamic obligation'. In the quantitative data collected by WAWA and COGWO it is clear that a majority of girls associate FGM with `pharaonic' infibulation with a minority referring to, although not defining, `sunna', implying a `lesser' form of the practice.

2.2.2 Prevalence and type of FGM

The girls were asked if they had been circumcised and, if so, what type of circumcision? All the girls aged 6-15 interviewed by COGWO, WAWA and Nagaad had been circumcised. All the girls interviewed by COGWO had undergone the `pharaonic' form of the practice. Over half of the girls interviewed by Nagaad had undergone `pharaonic' infibulation but with a significant minority that had had a lesser form of the practice performed.

It is notable that of the older generations of women interviewed by COGWO slightly more than half had undergone `pharaonic' FGM while the remainder had experienced another form. This suggests an increase in the practice of `pharaonic' infibulation as 100% of the current generation has undergone this form of the practice. This is also in contrast to the lower prevalence of the `pharaonic' form in Somaliland. These findings suggest a possible link between the security environment and the form of the practice used. Those undergoing FGM in recent years in war-torn Mogadishu have, according to the research findings, all been infibulated, whereas the older generation and the current generation in more stable Somaliland have not all been subjected to the most extreme form of FGM.

2.2.3 Pain of FGM

The girls were asked if their circumcision hurt. All of the girls asked by WAWA responded that FGM had been painful and that it hurt. Girls interviewed by Nagaad had a more mixed response, particularly those in urban areas, as several had been circumcised under anaesthesia, an increasingly common practice. These girls noted that the pain was very great when the anaesthetic had worn off. Girls in rural areas, where `pharaonic' FGM is the most common type, described the pain as `unforgettable'. It was believed that the pain of `sunna' was less.

2.2.4 Perceived importance of FGM

The girls were asked why they thought circumcision was important and what was the worst thing that could happen if you were not circumcised.

All of the girls interviewed by WAWA stated that circumcision was important. COGWO asked girls why they thought that girls must be circumcised; 90% thought that it was prescribed by Islam, the remaining 10% thought it was `for marriage' or for `purity'. If uncircumcised, 70 girls feared that they would not get married, 40 that they `couldn't pray', 60 that they would become prostitutes, 10 believed that they would be molested and 10 stated that they would not be respected. In the discussion held by Nagaad, reasons for the importance of circumcision were given as; a `cultural practice, important for the family'; the belief that circumcision allowed a girl to become a `mature woman'; to protect virginity and to `keep girls pure for marriage'; and the belief that FGM `makes girls beautiful'. Some of the girls in the discussions held by Nagaad stated that they did not know why circumcision was done.

2.2.5 Perpetuation of FGM

The girls were asked if they would circumcise their daughters. 90% of the girls who discussed with COGWO stated that they would circumcise their daughters. 100% of those WAWA interviewed stated they would circumcise their daughters. In the discussion held by Nagaad most of the girls said that they would not have their daughters infibulated but favoured the `sunna' type of FGM. `Sunna' was not defined but was clearly perceived as a `lesser' form of FGM.

2.3 Women aged 16-45 years

The networks targeted women aged 16-45 years with a questionnaire in individual interviews. Women were randomly selected in market places.

Women in this age group are those most likely to be taking decisions as to the circumcision of their daughters and almost certainly will have undergone FGM themselves.

Women were first asked their marital status and educational background.

Figure 4: Marital status of woman interviewed by WAWA

Marital Status Number Percentage
Married       250     69%
Divorced      27      7%
Widowed       20      6%
Single        66      18%

Figure 5: Educational level of the women interviewed by WAWA

Educational level Number Percentage
Primary          69     19%
Intermediate     90     25%
Secondary        32     9%
University       9      2%
Vocational studies 13   4%
Other3           150    41%

Figure 6: Marital status of women interviewed by COGWO

Status Female 16- 45 (Urban) Female 16- 45 (Rural) Total 
Married       58                   146           204
Divorced      12                   21            33
Widowed        6                   16            22
Single        33                   48            81
Total        109                   231           340

Figure 7: Educational background of women interviewed by COGWO

Level Female 16- 45 (Urban) Female 16- 45 (Rural) Total

Primary         23              31               54
Intermediate    19              26               45
Secondary       14              4                18
University      0               0                0
Vocational      10              2                12
Others          32              54               86
No Education    0               98               98
Total           98              215              313


Figure 8: Marital status of women interviewed by Nagaad

          Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Marital dal Sahil status  % Freq. % Freq. %
Married     57  50.9  19    67.9  40     61.5  15   46.9    39     66.1    33 50
Divorced    9   8     1     3.6   12     18.5  7    21.9    9      15.3    4 6.1
Widowed     9   8     0     0 6   9.2    6     18.8 4       6.7    13     19.7
Single      37  33.1  8     28.6  7      10.8  4    12.4    7 11.9 16     24.2

Figure 9: Level of education of women interviewed by Nagaad

Level of Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Sahil Education Freq. % Freq. Freq. %
None       20     17.9   8      28.6  33    52.   3      16   51.6   28    47.4   39 59.9
Grade      1-4    15     13.4   6     21.4  11    17.5   11   18     8     13.5   10 15.2
Grade      5-8    27     24.1   3     10.7  8     12.7   3    4.9    8     13.5   7 10.6
Secondary  24     21.4   0      0     3     4.8    1     1.6  3      5.1   7      10.6
University 2      1.8    0      0     0     0      0     0    7      11.9  0      0
Others     24     21.4   11     39.3  8     12.7   0     0    8      13.5  3      4.5

2.3.1 Defining FGM

The women were first asked a set of questions about the definition of FGM. Of the women interviewed by COGWO, 107 defined FGM as `tradition', 143 defined the practice as an `Islamic obligation' and 67 as a `painful experience'. 248 or 68% of the women interviewed by WAWA defined FGM as the excision of part or all of the clitoris. 60 or 16% defined FGM as the removal of the clitoris and the excision of the labia. 55 or 15% said that they did not know. The responses given to Nagaad are summarised as: "It is a traditional practice often performed without anaesthesia by unskilled personnel who take too much off parts of the girl's genitals. Female circumcision also is a popular practice and a variety of ritual surgical procedures performed on the genitalia."4

Women were then asked what types of FGM they knew. All the women interviewed by Nagaad and COGWO divided FGM into either `pharaonic' or `sunna'. The women were then asked to define `sunna'. Half of the women that COGWO interviewed defined `sunna' as `the cutting of the female genitals' and stated that it was `less radical than the pharaonic type'. The responses of women interviewed by Nagaad were summarised by Nagaad as: "Sunna means following the tradition of the Prophet Mohamed. This type, thought to be the type recommended by Islam, involves excision of the clitoral hood with preservation of the clitoris itself and the labia minora. This female circumcision is recognised as circumcision proper. Pharaonic circumcision (Infibulation) involves removal of the entire clitoris, together with adjacent parts of the labia minora and the adjacent medial portions of the interior labia major. The two of the vulva are stitched together (or stuck together with paste or thorns), obliterating the introitus and leaving only a small opening to allow passage of urine and menses. This type is more popular in Somaliland."5

These varied responses illustrate the confusion and imprecision surrounding the use of the term `sunna'.

2.3.2 Side effects of FGM

The women were asked if they knew of side effects of FGM and, if so, what those side effects were. 245 (67%) of the women interviewed by COGWO stated that there were side effects. 105 (29%) said that they did not know of side effects. Significant numbers of women appear to accept the health consequences of FGM as `normal'. 60% of the women interviewed by WAWA said that they had experienced side effects.

Side effects listed by the women interviewed by WAWA and Nagaad are:

- Medical complications at the time of circumcision, including infection, haemorrhage and even death;
- Complications during marriage [sexual intercourse], including severe bleeding;
- Permanent emotional damage;
- Tetanus infection;
- Vaginal fistula;
- Complications in child birth and long labour;
- Infertility;
- Reduction of the sexual pleasure of the women;
- Keloid formation;
- Regular back pains;
- Kidney problems;
- Problems with menstruation;
- Incontinence;
- Psychological effects.

Figure 10: Side effects of FGM named by women interviewed by COGWO:

Side effects            Women aged 16-45 years
Delivery problems          75
Menstruation problems      125
Haemorrhage                33
Pain in sexual intercourse 62
Bleeding                   101
Pain when urinating        78

2.3.3 Perpetuation of FGM

The women were then asked if they had daughters.

221 or 61% of the women asked by COGWO had daughters, ranging in age from one year old to thirty years old. They were then asked if they had circumcised their daughters.

Figure 11: 151 or 68% of the women with daughters had circumcised their daughters. 46 or 20% had not done so. When asked who had circumcised their daughters, 141 replied that it had been done by a nurse (presumably a traditional circumciser), 33 had used a doctor.

All the women were asked if they will circumcise their daughters. 235 or 65% said that they would; 62 or 17% said that they would not.

Figure 12: The lower percentage of those who said that they will not circumcise their daughters, compared to the percentage who had not actually done so, indicates that some women are intending to circumcise their daughters, perhaps when they are older. However, 17% intending not to circumcise their daughters is a significant figure and much higher than the estimated 1% of girls who currently remain uncircumcised. This indicates that either lower numbers of girls will be circumcised in future or that their mother's intentions change. The factors influencing this change of decision are of particular interest.

Have you circumcised your daughter? (COGWO interviewees) Yes No No Answer
Will you circumcise your daughters? (COGWO interviewees) Yes --- No------No answer

Women were also asked who in their family took the decision as to the circumcising of the daughters:

Figure 13: Who makes the decision about circumcision in your family? (COGWO interviewees)
Decision-maker Number of responses
Mother...........181
Father...........148
Both parents.....79
Grand parents....47

62% of the women interviewed by WAWA had daughters. Of these 50% had been circumcised, 50% had not.

Figure 14: However, 85% of women said that they would circumcise their daughters. Have you circumcised your daughters? (WAWA interviewees)....Yes.....No

Figure 15: Will you circumcise your daughters? (WAWA interviewees).....Yes.....No

The reasons given by the WAWA interviewees as to why they would circumcise their daughters included religion, tradition and culture. 70% of the WAWA interviewees stated that it was the mother who took the decision to circumcise the daughters.

Of the women interviewed by Nagaad, the table below shows how many had daughters.

Figure 16: Daughters of respondents (Nagaad interviewees)

        Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Response dal Sahil Freq. % Freq. % Freq. %
Yes      68     60.7   14   50    30    61.2    14    43.8  42   71.2   40   60.6
No       44     39.3   14   50    19    38.8    18    56.2  17   28.8   26   39.4

On average just over 60% of the respondents have daughters. The table below shows their age ranges.

Figure 17: Ages of respondents' daughters

About 40% of the respondents have girls less than five years.

The women were then asked if they had had their daughters circumcised and what type of circumcision had been undertaken: Figure 18: Have you circumcised your daughters? (Nagaad interviewees)

             Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Types dal Sahil Freq. % Freq. % Freq. %
Infibulation 45     40.2    15      53.6     46   70.8  10    71.4    36   61    39  59.1
Sunna        26     23.2    13      46.4     2    3      3    21.5    15   25.4  8   12.1
None         41     36.6    0       0       17    26.2   1    7.1     8    13.6  19  28.8

Over 50% of the girls have undergone `pharaonic' circumcision or infibulation. A further 20% of the girls have undergone `sunna' circumcision. Overall, 75% of the daughters had been circumcised.

All the women were then asked if they would circumcise their daughters.

Figure 19: Will you circumcise your daughters? (Nagaad interviewees)

Response Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Sahil % % % % % %
Yes      31.4     100    78    94.7    89.8   91.7
No       68.6     0      22    5.3     10.2    8.3

The reasons given by the women to Nagaad, as to why they would circumcise their daughters, included:

- If uncircumcised the girl will not be married;
- Men's confidence;
- My daughter will be circumcised as I have undergone;
- For cleanliness;
- Respecting and complying with customs and traditional rituals;
- Protection of the girl's virginity;
- Respect of Islamic rituals.

As to who took the decision to circumcise a daughter, the Nagaad findings agree with the COGWO findings; that mothers are the most important decision-makers in this regard. In order of importance; mothers, followed by grandmothers, followed by aunts and finally fathers, were stated as those who took the decision. These findings prove what has been thought about FGM, that it is a girl's female relatives who are most important in perpetuating the practice.

2.3.4 Religious and cultural beliefs about FGM The women were asked "Is FGM related to religion?" and "Is FGM related to culture?" Of the women interviewed by COGWO, 217 thought that the practice was related to religion, 136 thought that it was not.

Figure 20: 294 replied that it was related to culture, with 63 saying it was not.
Figure 21: Is FGM related to culture? (COGWO interviews) Yes-- No--No answer
Is FGM related to religion? (COGWO interviews) Yes -- No --No answer

Of the women interviewed by Nagaad, 60% replied that it was related to religion, 35% stated that it was not. In Nagaad's analysis, some of those who said it was related to religion may specifically mean the `sunna' form of the practice.

Figure 22: 85% of women thought that FGM had a significant relationship to culture (although some pointed out that religion could be considered a part of culture). Only 10% stated that FGM was not related to culture.

Figure 23: Of the women interviewed by WAWA, the majority believed that FGM was related to culture and not religion.

These figures point to a growing understanding in this age group that FGM is more a cultural practice than a religious practice. While the percentage of women believing that there is a relationship with religion in still high, it is significantly lower than in other age.

Is FGM related to religion? (Nagaad interviews) Yes -- No -- No answer....
Is FGM related to culture? (Nagaad interviews) Yes--No-- No answer

groups, in particular compared to women over 45, 90% of whom believe that FGM is related to religion. This may indicate a positive trend in younger generations towards a disassociation of FGM from religion.

2.3.5 Personal experience of FGM

Women were asked if they had themselves been circumcised and what type of circumcision they had undergone.

362 (of 363) of the women interviewed by COGWO had been circumcised. Of these 154 (42%) self-defined themselves as having experienced `sunna' FGM and 180 (49%) had undergone `pharaonic' FGM. This is in contrast to the girls aged 6-15, 100% of whom had been infibulated, showing an increase in this form of the practice.

361 (of 363), 99%, of the women interviewed by WAWA had been circumcised. 95% had undergone `pharaonic' circumcision, 5% defined themselves as having been `sunna' circumcised.

All of the respondents, in all regions, interviewed by Nagaad had undergone FGM. 87.4% had been infibulated, 12.6% had undergone `sunna' FGM. The data collected on the younger generation (5-16 years) showed that slightly over half had been infibulated, indicating a decrease in this form of the practice.

2.3.6 Eradication of FGM

The women were asked, "Do you think FGM should be eradicated?" 153 (42%) of the COGWO respondents thought it should be eradicated, 202 (56%) thought that it should not be.

64% of WAWA interviewees stated that FGM should be eradicated, with 36% opposed. 68% of those interviewed by Nagaad thought that FGM should be eradicated, particularly the `pharaonic' type. 32% were opposed to the eradication of FGM.

Women were then asked why it should be eradicated. The main reasons given were the medical complications, including infection, haemorrhage and even death and complications during marriage and labour, including severe bleeding. Of those who believed that FGM should continue `the continuation of culture' was given as a reason for this.

Women were asked how FGM should be eradicated.

Women interviewed by COGWO said through awareness and through the mosques. Common statements identified by Nagaad were:

- General community awareness on the problems and eradication of FGM;
- Community contribution and participation in the campaign against FGM;
- The application of Sunna practices - Islamic approach;
- Upgrade educational programmes on health awareness;
- Use of media outlets;
- Change in the social conditions that lead to the practice;
- Support alternative roles for circumcisers;
- Approach with understanding, patience and dialogue in order to find alternatives.

Women interviewed by WAWA also emphasised better understanding of religion as an approach for the eradication of FGM. Awareness-raising and specifically education for mothers were also suggested. A significant proportion, 10%, thought that FGM cannot be eradicated.

2.4 Women aged 45+

Women aged over 45 were interviewed in focus groups (of ten), using guided discussion. This generation is likely to be influential in decisions as to whether girls should undergo FGM and may represent more `traditional' views towards FGM. 2.4.1 Defining FGM The women were first asked to define FGM. Responses given to COGWO included naming of types of FGM including `sunna', `clitoridectomy' and `pharaonic' and also the definition of FGM as a `traditional practice'. Responses given to WAWA included that it was `circumcision', `cultural', `custom' and `castration'. The participants in the discussion held by Nagaad knew that the practice of FGM was widespread among all social groups in both rural and urban areas of Somaliland. They stated regularly and emphasised that FGM has for a long time been treated as a taboo issue that is not normally discussed in public and feeling ashamed of their experiences and afraid of community criticism. As an explanation, some of the respondents expressed that FGM is a rite of passage for girls into womanhood and helps to prepare and train the initiates in cultural values that maintain domestic norms within the community. Most of the respondents defined FGM as a removal of the women exogenous sexual organs. One of the respondents recited the following verses about the problems and complications of FGM:

- When born, bleeding!!!
- Bleeding at circumcision!!!
- During menses, bleeding!!!
- Bleeding at wedding!!!
- Bleeding at birth!!!
- Bleeding at all the time!!!
- All in life bleeding!!!

2.4.2 Type of FGM

All participants named two types of circumcision; `pharaonic', the most prevalent, and `sunna', becoming increasingly popular in urban communities.

2.4.3 Religious and cultural beliefs about FGM

Of the women in this age group interviewed by COGWO, 90% (180) stated that FGM was related to religion, only 20 thought that it was a cultural practice. In the discussions held by Nagaad, many participants associated FGM with culture or as a social practice. Several suggested that "circumcision is Sunna (religious), however, FGM is not Sunna".6

In this statement there appears to be a differentiation of circumcision and FGM. Many of the participants proposed that religious leaders should be asked for more clarification on how circumcision related to religion.

2.4.4 Perceived importance of FGM

Most of the women interviewed by the COGWO and Nagaad felt that FGM was important for girls. They emphasised the importance of FGM as a social habit, believed to have a moral function, assuring the confidence of men, safeguarding the girls' purity and virginity and therefore the honour of the family and the belief in its association with Islam, even if there was no explicit text requiring it.

2.4.5 Decision-making on FGM

When asked "who makes the decision on the circumcision of girls in your household?" the responses of this group of women confirmed the information given by the women in other age groups: that mothers, followed by the other female relatives, particularly grandmothers and aunts, are the most important decision-makers regarding FGM.

Circumcisers themselves were also cited as exerting an influence on the family.

2.5 Males aged 15-25

This group were selected to participate in focus group discussions in groups of ten. One of the key reasons given for the continuation of FGM is the fear that a girl will not be married if FGM is not performed. This age-group of male youths are likely to be those considering marriage. It is therefore important to gauge their attitudes towards the practice of FGM.

2.5.1 Defining FGM

In the discussions held by WAWA the male youths defined FGM varyingly as `cultural', `mutilation', `circumcision', `heritage' and `pharaonic'. Some did not know or did not respond.

In the COGWO discussions the majority of young men defined FGM as `sunna' although a few stated that it was a `tradition'.

In the discussions held by Nagaad most of the participants stated that FGM is the intentional removal of external parts of the female sex organs, which is a traditional practice. Some of the respondents emphasised that it is the removal of the clitoris for the protection of virginity. Others identified it as an ancient practice from Egypt commonly exercised in the country.

2.5.2 Religious and cultural beliefs about FGM

82% of the male youths interviewed by COGWO believed that FGM was related to religion. Of the young men interviewed by Nagaad, most differentiated `sunna' as a religious practice and saw `pharaonic' as a cultural practice. 57% of the young men interviewed by WAWA thought that FGM was related to culture, 22% thought it was related to religion, 21% did not respond.

2.5.3 Perceived importance of FGM

Only 8% of the young men interviewed by COGWO thought that FGM was not important, with the remainder placing a high importance on it. Reflecting the high percentage of those interviewed by COGWO who believe that FGM is related to religion, 120 of the young men stated FGM was important as it was `Islamic'. Small numbers of others felt that it was important `for marriage' and for `reduction of sexual desire'. Others noted that if women were not circumcised they may not get married, they may be molested, that their sexual desire would increase and that it would be against Islam. Some simply did not know what would happen if women were not circumcised.

In the discussions held by Nagaad some of the participants opposed the practice of FGM and stated that the rituals of FGM should have no importance for the community. Other respondents supported the practice for various reasons including; religious grounds, protection of virginity, family honour, confidence-building for men, cosmetic grounds and increased marriage opportunity.

2.5.4 Marriage and FGM

The young men were next asked if they would marry an uncircumcised woman. Of those interviewed by COGWO, 130 or 65% said that they would not marry an uncircumcised women, 70 or 35% said that they would.

Only 7 or 3.5% of those interviewed by WAWA would marry an uncircumcised girl, 65% or 128 said that they would not. The remainder did not answer the question. In the Nagaad discussions, most of the respondents strongly supported the marriage of uncircumcised girls. Most agreed that they are against `pharaonic' infibulation because of the associated health complications, however, many felt that `sunna' type should be practised.

2.5.5 Eradication of FGM

60% of those interviewed by COGWO felt that FGM should be eradicated and cited awareness-raising, in particular through the mosques, as an effective strategy to do so. 43% of those interviewed by WAWA thought that it should be eradicated, 32% thought it should not be, 25% did not answer.

The majority of the interviewees in the Nagaad discussions supported the elimination of FGM, particularly the `pharaonic' type or infibulation. They recommended community awareness-raising on the health consequences of FGM, improving knowledge of Islamic teachings on female circumcision, community involvement in the eradication of FGM and the encouragement of men to marry uncircumcised women, as strategies to eradicate the practice.

These findings indicate an encouraging trend amongst young men. Significant numbers of male youths are prepared to marry uncircumcised women and support the eradication of FGM, primarily due to the implications FGM has for women's health. As these are the group it is often assumed that FGM is done `for' (`to ensure virginity', `to build the confidence of men' and `for marriage') this represents a significant opportunity to address an influential group that appears to be open to change.

2.6 Religious leaders

This group is frequently cited as the target group to lead behaviour change away from FGM. It is thought that by educating religious leaders as to the falseness of FGM as an Islamic requirement they can raise awareness more generally due to their respected position in the community.

Religious leaders were surveyed in individual interviews using a questionnaire. The leaders were first asked several demographic questions including their age, their educational level, marital status and whether they had daughters.

The status of the religious leaders interviewed by COGWO is shown below: Figure 24: Marital status of religious leaders (COGWO interviewees)

Marital status Religious leaders

Married         58
Divorced        4
Widowed         0
Single          4

Figure 25: Educational level of religious leaders (COGWO interviewees)

Educational level Religious leaders
Primary           5
Intermediate      10
Secondary         17
University        10
Vocational        0
Other             22
None              1

The details of the religious leaders interviewed by Nagaad are shown below:

Figure 26: Age range of religious leaders (Nagaad interviewees)

      Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Age dal Sahil Freq. % Freq. % Freq. 
25-40 10       55.6  4       50   3     30   1   12.5   0    0    4   28.6
41-50 6        33.3  2       25   4     40   4   50     10   100  6   42.8
>50   2        11.1  2       25   3     30   3   37.5   0    0    4   28.6

Level of Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Sahil Education Freq. % Freq. 
None       0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Grade      1-4 4 22.2 3 37.5 0 0 0 0 1 10 3 21.4
Grade      5-8 2 11.1 1 12.5 6 60 5 62.5 2 20 3 21.4
Secondary  8 44.4 1 12.5 4 40 3 37.5 5 50 1 7.2
University 2 22.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 20 0 0
Other      2 22.2 3 37.5 0 0 0 0 0 0 7 50

Figure 28: Marital status of religious leaders (Nagaad interviewees)

Marital Hargeisa Sanag Togdher Sool Awdal Sahil status Freq. % Freq. 
Married  10 55.6 5 62.5 10 100 8 100 9 90 5 35.7
Divorced 2 11.1 2 25 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 14.3
Widowed  2 11.1 1 12.5 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 21.4
Single   4 22.2 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 10 4 28.6

Over 65% of the respondents were married. Divorcees and widows were 9% each and considered very rare. Less than 15% of the respondents were not married.

2.6.1 Defining FGM

The religious leaders were first asked to define FGM: 13 of the leaders interviewed by COGWO stated that FGM was `sunna', 26 that it was `pharaonic' and the remaining 25 defined FGM as a painful experience.

62% (42) of the religious leaders interviewed by WAWA defined FGM as the removal of part or all of the clitoris. 38% (26) defined it as the removal of the clitoris and excision of the labia.

The responses to Nagaad were summarised as: "the meaning of FGM is a traditional ritual practised in the country and is a total or partial taking away of the clitoris and the two labia leaving a small opening for urinating and menstrual discharge. Some respondents mentioned that FGM is a term nowadays generally accepted for the traditional practices that entail injury or removal of parts or all the external genitalia of women. [.] In Islamic countries the term Sunna circumcision is used to describe partial removal of the clitoris."7

All the leaders interviewed by COGWO and Nagaad identified `sunna' and `pharaonic' circumcision as distinct types of FGM. In the interviews conducted by Nagaad it was added that `pharaonic' is the most commonly practised form of circumcision and involves excision of part or all of the external genitalia and stitching or narrowing of the vaginal opening - infibulation. `Sunna' circumcision was defined as the excision of the prepuce with or without excision of parts or all of the clitoris.

The religious leaders were then asked to name the side effects of FGM. The most common responses were:

- Severe pain caused by the operation often performed without sterilised instruments or anaesthetic;
- Injury to the adjacent tissues or organs of urethra, vagina, perineum and rectum;
- Haemorrhage;
- Acute urine retention and urinary track infection;
- Infection;
- Shock, fear, psychological trauma and depression;
- Pain associated with menstruation;
- Infertility;
- Abscesses;
- Prolonged and obstructed labour;
- Pain during sexual intercourse.

2.6.2 Religious and cultural beliefs about FGM

The religious leaders were asked if FGM was related to religion; 12 of those interviewed by COGWO said that it was related to religion, 50 said it was not.

100% of the religious leaders interviewed by WAWA stated that FGM was not related to religion.

The responses of the participants interviewed by Nagaad are summarised as:

- Islam does not allow harming the body (cutting part of the human body);
- Islam expresses disapproval of the practice of infibulation and denounces it as being un-Islamic;
- Islam allows practising of the Sunna type.

The religious leaders were then asked if FGM was related to culture or tradition; all of the leaders interviewed by COGWO said it was related to culture. 95% of those interviewed by WAWA related the practice to culture. They noted that the practice has strong roots in society and goes back a very long time and that it is widely believed to be part of religion. Those interviewed by Nagaad asserted that FGM is significantly related to culture. Noting that "FGM is a traditional practice based on customs, beliefs and values of communities which govern and influence people's attitudes and behaviour. Traditions constitute learned habits which are passed on from generation to generation. Traditions are often guided by taboos and they are not easy to change. Communities hold on to these patterns of behaviour, believing that they are the right thing to do. Traditions can be harmful, such as FGM."

The numbers of religious leaders interviewed by COGWO (80%), disavowing a connection between FGM and religion, in particular compared to other population groups, a majority of whom associate FGM with religion, appears to situate them as potential leaders in turning people away from FGM. However, the dangers of this approach are illustrated by the more detailed comments collected by Nagaad and outlined in the World Bank/UNFPA report; religious leaders may accept `sunna' as a religiously sanctioned practice. This does not therefore coincide with the `eradication' position of the international community.

2.6.3 Eradication of FGM

The religious leaders were then asked if they thought FGM should be eradicated. 89% (56) of the religious leaders interviewed by COGWO thought that FGM should be eradicated. Only 7 thought that it should not be.

97% of those interviewed by WAWA thought that FGM should be eradicated.

Of Nagaad's interviewees, most opposed the exercise of FGM. They proposed the following options for stopping the practice of FGM:

- Raise public awareness against the practice through community education and public discussion, particularly as to the health consequences of FGM.
- Involvement of the community in the fight against FGM.
- Several respondents felt that awareness efforts against FGM need to be part of a fundamental change of values and perceptions about the role of women and to change underlying social and economic conditions.
- Effective use of media.
- FGM should be seen as an abuse of human rights.
- Religious leaders' participation in community awareness raising and the FGM eradication campaign.

The stated enthusiasm of the religious leaders for the eradication of FGM represents a significant opportunity. Religious leaders have an important role to play due to their stature in the community. However, as stated in the discussion on FGM and religion above, religious leaders frequently feel that `sunna' (left undefined) is an acceptable form of the practice. In this context FGM is being used to denote `pharaonic' infibulation. It is important that awareness-raising efforts clarify and address all forms of FGM.

The religious leaders were asked if they themselves would marry an uncircumcised woman. 33 of those interviewed by COGWO said that they would, 20 that they would not. Those who said that they would cited sexual satisfaction and absence of problems in childbirth as reasons to marry an uncircumcised woman.

98% of those interviewed by WAWA said that they would marry an uncircumcised woman.

Of those questioned by Nagaad, 72% of the religious leaders opposed the marriage of the uncircumcised, while 28% of them favoured the marriage of circumcised girls. All of them supported the marriage of `sunna' circumcised girls. When asked why they would not marry an uncircumcised girl, their responses were the following:

- The belief that it is against Islam; girls should undergo sunna circumcision and be spiritually clean.
- Traditional behaviour and beliefs, which are strong among sectors of the community.
- Control of women's sexuality. The religious leaders were then asked if they would publicly advocate for the eradication of FGM. 72% (49) of those interviewed by COGWO stated that they would publicly advocate. Only 3 said that they would not. Those who said that they would advocate said it was because it was a human rights issue.

98% of the WAWA interviewees stated that they would publicly advocate for the eradication of FGM. They cited the health consequences and the fact that it was against sharia as the reasons why they would do so.

72% of the Nagaad interviewees supported the elimination specifically of the practice of `pharaonic' infibulation. 28% did not want to be involved in the eradication of FGM. Participants made a number of suggestions to support the abandonment of FGM as follows:

Use `sunna' circumcised women as role models who lead healthy lives in order to disprove beliefs that without being infibulated women become infertile and subject to disease;
- Spiritual leaders to publicly deny that `pharaonic' circumcision is required by Islam.
- Promote educational programmes on health awareness.
- Use media outlets.
- Promote alternative roles for circumcisers.

A high proportion of the religious leaders are prepared to be involved in public advocacy efforts to end FGM, however, their elaboration makes it clear that they are supportive of ending the practice of infibulation but the majority are either neutral towards or actively support the continuation of sunna.

3.0 Conclusions

This research has demonstrated the entrenched beliefs surrounding the practice of FGM in Somalia/land. Girls, young men and older women, in particular, view FGM as important and see it as related to religion. Significant numbers of women aged 16-45 also believe that FGM is a religious requirement; however, this view is less prevalent than in other groups, with more identifying FGM as a cultural requirement. This may indicate receptiveness for campaigning, specifically directed at further educating this group on disassociating FGM from religion. This is particularly important as it is this group that is likely to be mothers, identified by all groups as the key decision-makers as to whether a girl should undergo FGM.

The only group significantly disassociating FGM from religion are religious leaders. Their better understanding of Islam and respected stature within communities has led to this group frequently being identified as potentially key leaders in turning people away from FGM. However, as illustrated in the research presented above, many associate the term FGM with `pharaonic' circumcision or infibulation and are hostile to this particular form of the practice. Many are neutral towards or actively support `sunna' circumcision. It may therefore be counter-productive to use this group in a fight against all forms of FGM.

The findings show a clear differentiation in the eyes of Somalis between `pharaonic' and `sunna' circumcision. There appears to be much confusion around the term `sunna' with numerous and varying definitions being given but it is clearly perceived as a `lesser' form of the practice. This ambiguity towards `sunna' extends to the women's networks themselves. It is proposed that `sunna' be seen as an alternative to circumcision and should involve only a ritual pricking of the clitoral hood or partial removal of the clitoral hood. Indeed, in other countries, including Kenya, symbolic circumcision ceremonies or alternative rites of passage have proved effective in decreasing the incidence of FGM.

However, in Somalia/land, whilst FGM is associated with womanhood, it is more significantly bound up with a set of beliefs to do with purity and virginity and religion. Therefore symbolic initiation is less likely to be successful as an eradication strategy.

Rather beliefs about religion, cleanliness, virginity, purity and sexuality need to be tackled directly. `Sunna' should also not be used to denote a symbolic form of FGM as it is an imprecise term which serves to legitimise FGM through religious connotations. The World Bank UNFPA report defines `sunna' as: `A variety of operations. These range from pricking the clitoral hood to the partial and total excision of the clitoris, part or complete removal of the clitoris followed by sectional excision of labia and suturing two-thirds of the vulva. It also refers to various degrees of cuttings and total suturing of the vulva just as in normal infibulations. This is too general and devoid of the symbolic pricking of the clitoral hood implied by sunna (following the Prophet's teachings). There is no clear evidence that Prophet Mohamed PBUH endorsed the practice."8 The terms FGM, `sunna' etc. must be clarified and broken down in campaigning work to ensure that all groups are using the same terms to refer to the same practices.

Those groups who wish to see FGM eradicated cite its health consequences as the main reason they support the abandonment of FGM. These side effects are in particular associated with `pharaonic' circumcision by the study respondents. The health consequences of all types of FGM should therefore be emphasised in campaigning.

Focusing on health consequences may be the most effective (pragmatic) initial entry point for campaigning. The hostility to pharaonic circumcision in some quarters (religious leaders etc.) should be utilised, however, due to the perception of `sunna' as `lesser' with less harmful health consequences and as more `Islamic', this form of the practice may prove harder to address. However, it is essential that the networks themselves and any activist or groups (such as religious leaders) that are to be used in campaigns against FGM should fully agree on the total eradication of FGM to avoid mixed or confusing messages.

In contrast to other studies that have found little difference in the incidence of or type of FGM in urban areas,9 the Nagaad survey found a marked difference in the number of girls undergoing FGM in Hargeisa. The decrease in infibulation in Somaliland, reflecting the lower figures for Hargeisa, and an increase in infibulation in the COGWO figures for Mogadishu indicates a possible relationship between security and the form or type of FGM practised. Bearing in mind the commonly cited reason for FGM, of the need to `protect' the girl's virginity, this may reflect an increased perceived need to `protect' their daughters. It may additionally reflect the beginnings of behaviour change in response to more exposure to campaigns against the practice in Hargeisa. This suggests that the more educated population of urban areas offers an entry point for behaviour change. Urban populations can be influential with other communities as representing more `modern' fashions and are also likely to have interpersonal channels of communication with rural relatives.

It is likely that the results of this study reflect a willingness by the respondents and even the networks to provide information that the international community would like to hear and that the theoretical nature of some of the questions may have led to some misunderstandings. Differences of approach between the networks are also noticeable in the data presented. It is unlikely that the numbers of young men who claim that they would marry an uncircumcised girl would actually do so, or the numbers of mothers who state that they will not circumcise actually refrain from doing so. However, in itself, this `knowing the right answers to give' indicates some success in the awareness-raising conducted so far and some awareness that FGM is not a universally accepted or normal practice.

The women's networks will be the crucial implementers in the fight against FGM. They are respected interlocutors with significant influence over the constituencies that they serve. It is therefore crucial that these activists are fully equipped with the skills needed to fight FGM (including research skills) and that they are trained and aware and genuinely in agreement with the strategy to eradicate all types of FGM.

The research identifies several perceptions and beliefs that are likely to be extremely important if FGM is to be addressed. These are specifically the deep-rooted belief that FGM is a religious requirement and secondly the set of related beliefs as to the uncontrolled and dirty nature of female sexuality that must be controlled to ensure `purity' and `virginity'. It is possible to at least begin addressing these beliefs through carefully designed awareness-raising and community education activities. The research participants themselves repeatedly identify awareness-raising on the health consequences of FGM, improving knowledge of Islamic teachings on FGM and community involvement and education as core strategies. A further point, highlighted by Nagaad, is that the practice of FGM cannot be separated from the underlying social and economic conditions of Somali women. Initiatives to target FGM should be situated within this broader challenge.

3.1 Recommendations

- Training and exposure for the women's networks to enable them to be effective, accurate and coherent as activists, specifically addressing the ambiguity towards `sunna' circumcision. This issue needs to be fully understood and agreed in order for the members of the women's networks and other potential agents of change, including religious leaders, to be effective. The opposition of religious leaders to FGM represents an opportunity and should be utilised but following resolution of the issue of `sunna'.
- The fact that significant numbers of mothers (17% in parts of Somalia/land) do not intend to circumcise and that these women are the key decision makers on FGM calls for a campaigning focus on this group, in particular to support those who currently do not intend to circumcise and eventually use them as role models.
- Campaigning and awareness-raising should focus on the misperception of FGM as an Islamic requirement and directly (but acceptably) address the fear of female sexuality. The women's networks could develop messages in this regard.
- Campaigning should also focus on highlighting the health consequences of FGM, particularly regarding child birth, as these are consistently given as the reason for eradicating FGM by those who support its abandonment.
- Conflict and absence of security appears to be a contributing reason for the continuation of FGM. This should be further explored.
- Behaviour change will have to be led by particular groups and lead groups should be identified and targeted. The study indicates a greater potential for change among more secure, urban populations.

ANNEX I

FGM Research in Somalia/land Methodology

Researchers/Recipients: 3 Women Networks
Funder/Facilitator: Novib Somalia
Statistics Used - UNDP Statistics
Total Population in Somalia (2001) - 9.1 million
Urban : Rural Population - 30:70
TOTAL SAMPLE - 2000

Religious Leaders.

- 200(+4) religious leaders to be interviewed - Individual interviews.
- Rural - 50 Religious Leaders/network (150 total religious leaders to be interviewed)
- Urban -18 Religious Leaders/area (54 total religious leaders to be interviewed) Youth Male
- Target is 600 youth male - Focus Group Discussions.
- Age - 15-25
- Rural population - 140/network (420 youth males in total to be targeted)
- Urban population - 60/network (180 youth males in total to be targeted) Women
- 3 age groups : Ages 6 -15 - 300 women
Rural - 70 girls/network (210 in total to be targeted - Focus Group Sessions)
Urban - 30 girls/network (90 in total to be targeted - Focus Group Sessions)
Ages 16 - 45 - 1,092 women
Rural - 252 women/network (756 women in total - Individual Interviews)
Urban - 112 women/network (336 women in total - Individual interviews)
Over 45 - 600 women
Rural - 140 women/network (420 women in total - Focus group discussions)
Urban - 60 women/network (180 women in total - Focus group discussions)
Religious Leaders FGM Questionnaire

Methodology:
- Individual interviews
- Random Sampling to be used.

Urban areas

Urban -18 Religious Leaders/area (54 total religious leaders to be interviewed) The urban areas for this research are considered to be Hargeisa, Mogadishu, Garowe
Step 1 : List all the Religious Leaders in each urban area
Step 2 : Give them all a number - e.g 1. Mohamed Ibrahim

2. Mohamed Kaif
3. Dawood Mohamed
4. Mohamed Adan.
5. Mohamed Noor.
6. Mohamed Omar.
7. Mohamed Salah.
8. Mohamed Irfan
9. Mohamed Abu Bakr.
10. Mohamed Osman.
11. Mohamed Huzayfa
12. Mohamed Moez.
13. Mohamed Aashraf
14. Mohamed Abdallah
15. Mohamed Yahya

Step 3 : Once all the numbers have been assigned throw all the names (1 name/paper) into a bag and pick 18 papers - these are the 18 people that have to be interviewed. So lets say (for example) Nos 1,5, 7,10 are picked out of the bag. This will mean that Mohamed Ibrahim, Mohamaed Noor, Mohamed Salah, Mohamed Osman etc etc - will be interviewed.

NOTES

1 World Bank and UNFPA, `Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting in Somalia', Draft Report, Nairobi, 15 October 2004.
2 See `The SACB Statement on FGM/FGC Eradication', adopted February 6 2004, www.sacb.info
3 `Other' as a category includes no formal education.
4 Nagaad, `FGM Research Report', Annex II, p13.
5 Ibid. p13.
6 Ibid. p17.
7 Ibid. p9.
8 World Bank/UNFPA, Op Cit., p21
9 Ibid. p21