Source: http://www.csiw.org/Women01.htm, CSIW 1999, 2000

By Maisoun Badawi,

PART ONE: Background

Women in Somalia live in an well-organized network of family and social ties. In such a patrilineal network, a woman views her role chiefly in relation to child-bearing, child rearing and tasks around the home. Their responsibilities are largely pre-defined, especially in the nomadic and agricultural setting. The decision-making rests with the male head, which serves as both the arbiters in disputes and the custodian of family properties. However, in her maiden family, a Somali woman is always a daught er (Inan) and asks for assistance from her neighbors. It is said that a brother will often risk his life, sacrifice obligations to his wife and children if his sister is distress.

A woman has greater power as a sister and a daughter than as a daughter-in -law and wife. This observation holds perhaps the greater force for wives in a polygamous (polygans?) household. In both nomadic and agricultural families where a division of labor is gender-related, the woman is a key contributor to the family in live stock, form, and its male progeny. Family lifestyles, however, assume different hues depending on the mode of production and habitat, where of nomads, agriculturists, or urban dwellers.

Women in Somalia are hard workers, and keep themselves engaged in a variety of roles from morning to night. The woman' s role is very important-- and when not fulfilled, the whole family suffers. In order to share some of the burden, women have created information groups to help the community through illness, death, marriage, delivery, farming, etc. They form groups to help eachother. Similarly, they have informal credit groups. These most often involve between 10 and 15 women organizing as a group by contributing small sums of money on a weekly basis. This money is then given to one woman each week on rotation to meet her needs. Thus, traditional women' s organizations play an important role in mobilizing rural and urban women in collaborative work.

LONG STANDING FLAGRANT VIOLATION OF SOMALI WOMEN' S RIGHTS

Whenever you hear the term female, you realize how far the women are the subject of frequent oppression, despise and denial of women' s rights almost always start in the same day that they are born.

The women are filled with bouts of worry from the time they conceive a pregnancy until the day of their delivery, women plunge deep in the ocean of self-whispering in hope of giving birth to baby boys. If the wife has a baby boy, she clearly gets abundant and pleasant coddling, executive care and mercy, bullets are fired in the sky for glee and happiness.

The father whose wife gave birth to a son usually becomes very satisfied and happy, however ear-splitting ululating women neighbors arrive at the home in groups the morals of the father at that night seem to reach crescendo, the father usually sits with friends in daily conversation in the shade of their houses or under the trees, telling that his wife gave birth to the child equal to total 'blood money', a word usually used to refer to boys. He raises his head up in discernible gaiety, a smile permanently on his face, flaring his nostrils with pride.

The family to whom the girl child is born feels a lack of jubilant mood and anxiety. The mother of the baby girl is bitterly loathed and despised, during her post natal period, and her husband anxiously awaits the time that his wife can resume her daily house chores.

When asked what the mother of the child gave birth to, the father of the newly born girl child answers 'only a girl', in a fit of despise without even looking at the person who asked him.

If the family has five girls consecutively, there is a general conviction that the fifth is the worst, perhaps a jinx, although other daughters before the fifth are likely to meet with frequent animosity and feelings of hatred.

Generally speaking, ululation, a high pitched shrilling sound used in times of extreme happiness and celebration, is an aspect of Somali culture, and is used in the birth mainly of boys.

In ancient Somali history, it can be clear why Somalis reserved preferential treatment for baby boys, as tribal feuds and conflicts were of frequent occurrence, mainly originating from camel-rustling. The boy is believed to be a camel-rustler, armed with traditional weapons spearheading sudden tribal attacks, an elegant speaker, and a shrewd manipulator. He also was believed to be gallant, with unyielding bravery, and he had the characteristic of having no 'quarters' (mercy granted to the vanguished).

PART ONE: Background

Inflicted up on females could be construes as uncalled for acts and lack of morality, certain privilege belongs to only the male population in which they maintain their supremacy, there are positions that are only for men - such as Sultan, Imams, Clan-chieftains, Pacifiers, Ugases and Malak.

It is prohibited that women try to attain one of these posts, nor to have the right to claim any other highly respected position within the society, apart from the widespread despise of women' s rights, ancient Somali people indeed tries what they could to curb rape cases whereby strict laws to punish the criminals were put down. Following are some of these enactments:

First, every man was to be so cautious that any rape to occur for good, and second, as a whole, society might refrain from the outbreak of hostilities or tribal feuds causing destruction to both sides.

The rape cases had sometimes been tantamount to blood-money or traditionally accepted norms, and they are attributes of previous Somali codes of 'blood-money and compensation decree.'

Sexual molestation practices virtually appear a matter of astonishment, non-plus ujnheard battlement toward ancient Somalia.

A rape case could be heard one time within the space of ten years in most places, the rarity of crimes could be ascribable to rigid descriptions in some Districts of the Country Sentencing the accused with a stiff fine, the molestor has never been left with impunity, briefly speaking, the man found guilty of the rape crime could marry the raped victim as a punishment after paying all punitive damages.

If the rapist was outside of victim' s clan-line, ensuing deliberation about her raping was dealt with by elders from families, as a matter of fact her compensation was equitably shared by girl' s tribesman without consultation with her.

Traditional elders had used to observe and to be committed to the letter and spirit of other Clan Codes, they even did monitor closely how far the man could treat the girl he married through the above-mentioned practice.

For instance, if the girl was estranged, the whole blame was usually heaped upon the husband, in this regard, the man was obliged to accept the verdict under the Palver tree. It was clear-cut that entire segments of society had respected elders' decisions with unfaltering references.

The custom of marrying the raped girl off to her molester was to cover the disgrace and 'shame of marriagelessness' bringing to the girl in particular and her family in general.

A stereotyped ideas in traditional norms still continue to exist, the raped divorce or unmarried old woman used to confine to the house due to embarrassment.

Those splendid traditional Codes and Laws binding upon various strata of Somali society that seemed worthy of imitation have become in recent times, sinister culture has bubbled to the surface instead in these recent years, flagrant violations of women's rights have emerged notably rape cases that started in 78 to certain extent and is still continuing deliberately and unabated, thus such those horrific rape acts seem common in Society, no one tends to raise the question of sexually assaulted girls any longer regardless of either old or young women, pregnant or disabled women.

Somali women widely believe the dominant male populations have no respect, their long-standing disdain emanated from literature that completely prejudicing against women, most previously registered proverbs based on total deception, and contempt.

For instance, when a man is prepared to propose marriage, he usually has in mind hackneyed proverbs which their chief meanings full of classical allusions towards the women although we all know the creation of family needs mutual consent with not an iota of trick and can be heavy burden to bear; as one Somali saying goes, 'Lie you can make women arrive at your home, but truth you manipulate her'. 'Naagi been baa lagu soo Xera galiya Rua waa lagu dhaqaa'.

The man who firstly coined that proverb indeed violated women' s rights and also took a dim view on reciprocity in health relationships between two partners. He without hesitation highlighted deceptive and disdainful practices. His proverbial coinage, however, was not wisdom carrying but few may interpret it as an instrument to unleash a barrage of tricks is the use of special skill as to attain his end, there still is no one who can dismiss that proverb as 'nonsense.'

In Somali custom, sometimes a girl aged 15 years is forced to marry her off to 60 year old men, in order to persuade her of that marriage to which she is vehemently opposed and allay her anxiety arranged.

Marriage proposers take another proverb that they think might make her accept the old-man - 'A woman can live together with a man who is like her father in age' - 'naag nin dhali karaa dhaqi kara.'

Therefore it can be very difficult for that little girl to continue to live with a man who is older than 45 years than her. It is a gross injustice to force girls into any form of arranged marriage against her will.

Here there is another saying which is more of a surprise than those of above-mentioned-'A WOMAN YOU CAN' T TREAD ON HER CAN' T CULTIVATE' 'NAAG AADAN KU TUMAN KUUMA TACABTO.' This may precipitate widespread denial of women' s rights, physical force such as beating, slapping and caning should be mere tools the husbands resort to using if need be.

Also there are lots of proverbs that appear to be completely based against women' s rights. Some of them are below.

'Verdict decided by Female Goes no Farther' - 'Gar naagu Goysay Gaadka Ma Dhaafte.' 'Women are like tender meat' 'Naagu waa Hi lib Bisil.' 'Droght You Survive Through Women and Sheep.' 'Ide Naagba Abaartaa looga Baxaa. ' 'WIFE AND DONKEY ARE CLOUT HELPING YOU.' 'Dumar iyo Dameerba waa Xeeg Daman.'

The phenomenal literature violating women' s rights seemed only as unsubstantiated, none of these proverbs carried real pictures. Wives are faithful to their husbands and ready to upbring their children and preserve their traditon but other sex (male) is always on the way of violence and scorn.

Despite the men behave with savagery, most wives try to put all uterances of false charges or misrepresentation which defames and damages their reputations in one ear and out the other, they however pay no attention to proverbs intended to belittle them.

This may show explicitly how far women' s virtue is. Looking at Holy Quran; God said in Al-Nisa verses that the women belong to complete rights. Therefore Almighty had did reveal not any chapter naming Al Rijal (the men), this can be a witness that God granted the women certain rights, the most people do not know about these rights in the Holy Koran, owing to they even don' t have the rudimentary grasp of God' s laws.

Pervasive and abysmal ignorance within society can play a direct role in brutal practices and weird acts by men.

Not only some of these verses of holy Koran clarify chaper deals with that the divorced woman should remain at home after the divorce.

Going outside of man' s home after divorce is believed to have brought from long standing traditional beliefs and also may show us that the man belongs to the home by himself a hackneyed proverb indeed gave the man encouragement of divorce 'Divorced needs no time to sit any longer' 'naag la furay fadhi uma yaal.'

Somali women have stamina, resiliency and mental or moral strength to withstand the widespread oppression. Somali Women are important segments of society, and play a crucial role in the country' s development, without them, smooth running daily routines may get bagged down.

In men' s points of view, women can be regarded as Domestic animals or as home utensils, so hereby is the adage 'Women is like a receptacle in which you' 'Naagu waa weel wax lagu shubto.'

It is a complete fallacy to believe it anyway because the old saying compare women to a vessel, the disparagement of women' s rights dates back to many centuries ago, to observe obsolete custom, lots of people still keep belittling proverbs in their hearts.

Three percent of men who are aware of women' s rights almost always encounter propaganda and explicit impudence in their faces, the good men whose sympathy and tenderness for females are subjected to waves of allegations, one of which is that their wives wear the breeches.

Shortly speaking, the man who had already accustomed to respect his wife and had met series of accusations start to regret all his previous esteem or respect, he commences violent excitement, anger, intimidation and ear-piercing scolding so his wife is surprised at how the hell broke loose the man remembers an old saying:

'Man takes women' s order break the shin' 'Nin naagu u talisay tagoogahuu ka jabaa' so the respect that the man had for his wife became lost, disparagement and animosity develop; the family faces a total breakdown, eventually after the wife' s temper runs down she resorts to abandoning her children.

When wife and husband live together without children, all blames are heaped upon only the wife accusing her of being a barren without any clinical diagnosis, never a finder of suspicion is pointed to the man.

If the couple in marriage lost their dear children, the wife is subjected to frequrent blames, despite the death of children is destiny by the almightly God but not what the poor girl could shoulder the blames, the wife may have her name burdied about, peope in the village or husbands immediate relatives gossip the wife who' s chilren died as a jinx.

There are superstitious beliefs such as if a husband dies shortly after his newly married period the people say that his wife brings bad luck.

The most believed superstition about women' s bad luck said if she was born in posterior presentation (delivery) when newly married wife dies, people say that his destiny is that not to have her children.

In ancient tradition, rurals in some parts of the country observed obsolete beliefs when the women was about to travel by herself, women in Journey had an ewe or she-goat with.

In city, a stone was put in a car on which the women had to travel in order to make women' s bad-luck stop.

Savage phenomena still seem unfinished, here is story that shows the total negligence of women' s rights.

Once upon a time a very beautiful girl clad with sari and beads around her neck tending goats waled past a group of men seated under a shade tree. One of the men sheepishly snapped 'Oh! How beautiful the girl is!' Another old man collapsed with laughter and sarcastically said 'Catcha adonkey, wrap it with sari, wear beads round its neck, nothing more beautiful than it!' their general institution is that women don't have any natural beauty except what they wear as makeup.

There is an old saying 'Every bad thing belongs to female.' It is quite amazing the first rights in Somali history belongs to male, second rights may go to camel, there is no place for women to enjoy the same rights as the men do; so there is nothing history says the man' s event of catastrophy and bad a man may come if he lost dear camels.

Some men started contemplating how he can marry wife during his former wife' s burial ceremony, but if husband died, the wife collapses with tears, she wears four month mourning weeds, she plunges into anxiety and worry that she has no on to share with.

The unmarried men always enjoy certain rights, but unmarried girls can' t stay without marriage because people adhere to traditional adages 'woman is either in a house or in a grave.'

This means women should be at a man' s house or his wife or she must be in a grave.

Long Standing Flagrant Violation of Somali Women' s Rights - p.7

It was obvious that the women married by a man was considered his belongings, because he had already exchanged money with her father. If the man' s wife passes away, the father is obliged to offer his other girl to the widower as sororate (concurrent marriage with wife' s sister) or to pay back the dowry.

It was imperative to put an end to the old-fashioned traditional institution which disparage in Somali families wherever they be, either in urban or rural areas.

Sometimes if a boy sits with a group of girls, the boy may face strong language, saying 'Are you lady-like' Why are you with them? Stand and go to where the boys of your same age.'

The women are not encouraged to pursue an education. They are confined to the home, forced to do all of the household chores.

The status of women is as dependent on prejudice as it is on our culture; there is no space for women to maneuver in the range of studying.

The original source of women' s restricted sphere of activity and her confinement on spire-breaking drudgery, restricted women' s education is what all men have in common.

When fathers arrive from their jobs, boys from day schools, you find only girls working around the clock. Girls and women are ordered to prepare a pail of water for bathing and then serve the food. The men or boys totter toward sleeping rooms, while the women start washing the utensils.

The most husbands always try to restrict their wives' freedom of movement, for they think if the wives meet together for a chat. They may discuss openly the brutality inflicted upon them by their husbands and refuse to accept beatings. In order to keep the women at home, the husband accuses his wife of being a stay.

However the Somali literature basically demeans the existence of women' s rights. It is imperative to know these obsolete traditional practices control, for the times keep the place with the modernity and freedom of the world' s women.

A. THE STATUS OF WOMEN BEFORE THE CIVIL WAR

The situation before the war (sharing of power and decision-making at all levels). In pre-colonial times, there was no written law in Somalia; rather, relations between people were regulated by customary laws that had evolved from a combination of Islamic law (Shari' ah) and traditional codes. Two legal codes existed during the colonial period. The legal system in northern Somalia was based primarily on English Common and Statute Law and the Indian Penal Code. According to Lewis, women participated in municipal elections for the first time in 1958. And in 1961, a nation-wide uniform legal code was established. Two years later, the complex task of integrating the northern and southern regions was almost complete. Universal suffrage was then extended to the northern regions in 1963 (Lewis, 1988).

Significant changes relating to women' s participation in governance began during the 1970s. With the establishment of a party system in 1976, women had the opportunity to participate by holding some positions of leadership and civil administration. The promulgation of the family law in 1975 set out to eliminate discriminatory provisions in the legal system and to secure the legal status of women. This law gave equal rights to women and men in matters of marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Another achievement was the establishment of the Labour Code in 1972, that promoted the equality of women in the workplace. Under Law No. 173 of 1975, all land became the property of the state, and women gained the right to obtain land leases and inherit leaseholds. The promulgation of the 1978 Constitution established equal rights and duties for women and men alike.

However, a closer examination of participation in the political structures of the government reveals that the male/female ratios in the legislative, judicial and executive branches were as follows:

(a) All five members of the Politburo were male;
(b) Of the 76 members of the Central Committee, only one was female;
(c) In the 51 member Council of Ministers, there were only two female Deputy Ministers;
(d) In the 176 member People' s Assembly (parliament), only ten were female; and
(e) In the Foreign Service, only two of the 49 appointed ambassadors were female.

In government ministries and agencies, female nominations to senior management positions were negligible. In the Ministry of Education (MOE), for example, out of 35 directors-only one was female: the director of the Family Life Program. Likewise, there were only two female directors in the 50 government agencies that existed in the country in 1988. In the judiciary, an insignificant number of female judges were employed in the lower courts.

Furthermore, as the nation descended into political instability due to the emergence of armed opposition groups throughout the country, new types of obstacles impeding their participation confronted Somali women. One of these impediments was the fact that professional appointments gave way to political appointments, making political qualifications secondary in the selection process.

In conclusion, despite the legal provisions established to accord women' s rights, those provisions were never meaningfully implemented, nor did they impact the majority of women. Reasons for this included the absence of mechanisms to ensure the execution of those provisions throughout the country-particularly in rural areas-in the face of long-standing traditions limiting women' s participation.

The situation of women before the war Opportunities for the Advancement of Women

Under the government of Siad Barre, three governmental organizations were established to address women' s needs and to promote the advancement of women. There were also a number of women's local non-governmental organizations (LNGOs) and women' s community-based organizations (CBOs). The majority of the latter were operational in Mogadishu; however, a handful were operational in the other regions.

Founded in 1977, the Somali Women' s Democratic Organization (SWDO) was the only official women' s organization in Siad Barre's government that extended from the national to the regional to the district levels. Its strength lay in its powerful organizational structure, which gave its tremendous potential to mobilize and communicate with women. This potential was largely unfulfilled during the late 1980s, due to the lack of relevant specialized training of its leadership, its lack of financial resources, and its increasing nepotism and corruption during the final years of governance.

In 1974, the Women' s Education Service was established within the Ministry of Education' s Directorate of Non-Formal Education Department. In 1984, the service was upgraded to a full department and renamed the Women's Education Department (WED) within the Ministry of Education. The overall goal of the Service was to provide adult and non-formal schooling or who wished to upgrade certain skills (MOE/WED, 1986).

The Institute of Women' s Education (IWE)' s Family Life Programme (FLP) established a number of Family Life Education Centres (FLECs) throughout the country in both urban and rural areas. The FLEC' s curriculum included literacy, numeracy, health, nutrition, home management, and community development, tailoring and handicraft production. A refugee Family Life Programme (RFLP) was also in place, and was designed to address the needs of the Ethiopian refugees residing in refugee camps from 1978 to 1990. Training in refugee camps stressed income-generating skills such as handicraft production and tailoring (ILO, 1989). One of the most salient features of the women was that they were provided with credit, based on a revolving loan fund that was administered by the agency (UNHCR, 1988).

In 1983, in recognition of the lack of basic empirical data on Somali women, the Women' s Research Unit was establishedwithin the National Academy of the Arts and Sciences. The purpose of the unit was ' to collect empirical data and documentation on women which could constitute meaningful policies to address the needs of Somali women' (ILO/JASPA, 1989).

The women' s LNGOs and CBOs with the highest profiles in Somalia before the outbreak of the civil war were based in Mogadishu. Their principle activities centered on promulgating traditional handicrafts and tailoring. The better known ones catered to an expatriate market, selling traditional mats and baskets at international prices. Others trained, and then employed women in tailoring Western-style clothing using local fabrics, which were sold mainly to the expatriate community. This dependence on the unstable expatriate market raised questions about the long-term sustainability of these activities.

Somali women are always actively involved in all aspects of their society' s life. The fact that women are producers and procreators, as well as active participants in the social, political and cultural activities of their communities, has enabled them to play an all-around role. But traditionally, women have not had any direct say in the social and political organizations of their communities. Their role has only been a secondary one to that of men in the social, cultural, and political arenas. On a social level, women are given little chance to be independent.

They are conditioned from an early age to understand the needs of their families without ever being encouraged to consider their own beds or to work towards their own aspirations. Women are generally not encouraged to continue their education, or to improve their skills formally.

Psychological violence against women is the most ingrained violence and is manifested in several ways. Among these are domestic violence, female genital mutilation, and through many of the structures of the customary laws. Some examples of harmful traditional practices and values are:

(a) The birth of a girl child is always viewed as a loss for the family, while the birth of a boy I a sign of prosperity.
(b) Girl children are raised to believe that they are inferior to men, and are conditioned to behave in such a manner. (c) Domestic violence is not considered abnormal.

Background and PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

Legal Status of Women

Women in Somalia traditionally have not had a voice in the social, political and economic arena of the country or community. Thus, legal structures have not developed to take into consideration the inherent rights of women in the community. Through the principle, however, the legislation guaranteed equal treatment of women and men in all fields of society. In rural areas, customary practice remained stronger than statutory laws.

In traditional Somali politics, all decision-making is conducted by segmentary groups of kinsmen. They are individuals who met in general assemblies where all a dult male family heads or elders seek consensus, rather than taking decisions by majority vote. Leadership is often difficult to maintain for very long, and in that context all women are formally excluded.

The westernized Somali women intellectuals are fond of ascribing the very low rate of women's participation to the fact that women do not do their best to achieve setout goals. But the leadership problem is more deep-seated as an intrinsic part of traditional political culture. In that realm, groups decide their affairs primarily on the basis of kinship, traced in the male line along which regularly extend twenty or more named generations. Each ancestor' s name is said to represent a potential level of political action, which may be mobilized in opposition to an equivalent rival grouping. Due to such practices, women leaders are an anomaly in traditional Somali society.

The past regime of Said Bare claimed to have brought about great improvement in the law with regard to governing the rights of women in Somalia. But women have nevertheless been weakly represented in the political structures. Indeed, despite their electoral weight and primary role of mobilization in the political parties, women did not hold key positions. Rather, their roles were more akin to that of resonance chambers.

The family law of 1975 gave women rights in property inheritance, divorce, and abolished the practice of polygamy-except in special circumstances. But the family law of 1975 had a minimal impact on women' s rights. This has thus minimized the impact of family law. Since the majority of marriages in Somalia take place under Muslim law, the provisions for polygamy and divorce are much different. This makes it nearly impossible to enforce laws in Somalia that are contradictory to Shari' ah law.

In 1979, the ruling Somali Democratic Republic adopted a new constitution officially establishing a one party socialist state. A number of articles in the constitution provided guarantees of social, cultural and political rights-- including equality of the sexes. Nevertheless, human rights monitors have periodically reported that guarantees of the constitution have not been unilaterally enforced, and thus no real gains have been made.

After the 1984 election, women held 25 of 177 seats in the People' s National Assembly (Parliament). However, after the 1987 election, all members of the Council of Ministries (Executive Branch) were men.

Rural Women

Most Somali women live in the rural areas. Rural women live in abject poverty, and have no educational, health or employment services available to them. Women and children in the rural areas have very poor nutritional status, as they don' t have the resources to pay for a healthy and nutritious diet. The main economic activities of people in Somalia are farming and livestock rearing. There is no technology in the rural areas, and women and children serve as the main laborers in these areas. They are responsible for all agricultural activities along with their domestic work. The daily workload of women in the rural areas is estimated to be 14-16 fetches per day. This includes the time it takes to fetch water and wood, cooking, cleaning, grinding, taking care of the children and any other work outside the home.

Urban Women

Women have worked as civil servants in governmental and non-governmental institutions, especially in the capital city of Mogadishu. A high percentage of civil servants are women. Such figures are misleading, however, since many of the women employed in the civil service are in secretarial and custodial positions. Very few women are in high administrative posts, and even fewer at the policy-making level.

Although lots of women are educated, very few workmen are in professional, administrative and technical positions. Instead, most women have low salary jobs. Women in Somalia work predominantly in the formal sector. Even in the urban areas, they are involved in small-scale trading, and they own small restaurants and teashops. Women from the rural areas migrated to the urban and semi-urban areas in search of temporary positions as domestic workers, as few other options are available to low-skilled and uneducated women.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

Violence against women is not a new problem. It has always happened everywhere as we have evidence to prove such. We no longer accept this abuse against us as Somali NGOs. This is a community concern, because women are an important part of any society and have the right to live in peace.

We are aware that many women hide their problems from society because of their fear of being beaten again, family pressure to present a good image, feelings of guilt, and repressive laws and attitudes.

Rape

Ancient Somalis used the term 'rape' when girls were sexually assaulted, or when a man violently forced a woman/girl to have sex without her consent. Many people thought that rape codes were too stringent and too harsh, in that any man convicted of rape was not subjected to punishment of a lenient nature. For example, it was a matter of complete surprise and shock when a girl' s breast was touched against her will. Any man found guilty of such a crime was severely beaten with sticks by both women and men. Usually, the rapist was liable to heavy fine depending on the category of the victim, defined as follows:

(1) A girl of pre-adolescent age (under 15 years) was compensated for with 15 she-camels.
(2) A maiden, bethrothed to a man, but not wedded yet: 15 she-camels
(3) A woman whose husband had died, who was still dressed in mourning attire: 15-she camels.
(4) An elderly woman, enfeebled by her years: 15 she-camels
(5) A woman who nursed a baby boy: 50 camels
(6) A maiden of marriageable age who, nonetheless, is neither married nor betrothed to anyone was to be compulsorily married to her assailant with payment of the full bride price she would have normally fetched. If he refused to do so, then he was obligated to pay her full blood compensation, amounting to 50 camels.

Guidelines set by closely-knit Tribal Chieftains had stipulated that camels were paid by the rapist by himself with having no one to pay for the imposition of fine on him, but if he did not possess camels equivalent to the amount of fine imposed on him, he ought to be taken from him to whatever he had belonged.

When the sexual harasser was both discriminated against and made discreditable within the society, in the last resort, he fled from his residence in which he had committed the alleged crime, moving to another location for a clean slate.

Making women cry or any perpetration of crime besides rape was however a common offense close to sexual molestation cases, therefore there was compensation and indemnity paid by the man who had committed wanton acts, the imposition of fine on the convict was note less than the price of camels.

Therefore, the convicted was not to leave his locality and was among his society in the wake of the concluding agreement, with the core issues resolved peacefully. The r easons why the codes were too severely or rigourously binding were the following two factors.

Firstly, every man was to be cautious so as to ensure that no rapes occurred for good. And secondly, the whole society might refrain from the outbreak of hostilities or tribal feuds causing destruction to both sides.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

The rape cases had, at times, been tantamount to blood money or traditionally-accepted norms, and they are attributes of previous Somali codes of 'blood money and compensation decree.'

Sexual molestation practices virtually appeared as a matter of astonishment-as an unheard battlement towards ancient Somalis. A rape case could be heard but once within a space of ten years in most places. The rarity of crimes could be ascribable to rigid decisions in some districts of the country. Sentencing the accused with a stiff fine, the molestor has never been left with impunity. Essentially, a man found guilty of rape could marry the rape victim as a punishment after paying all punative damages.

If the rapist was outside of the victim' s clan-line, ensuing deliberation about her rape was dealt with by the elders from families. In addition, her recompensation was equitably shared with the girl' s tribesmen without consultation with her. Traditional elders were accustomed to observing and were committed to the letter and spirit of other clan codes. They also closely monitored the degree to which the man could tread the girl he married throught the above mentioned practices.

For instance, if the girl was estranged, the whole blame was usually heaped upon the husband, in this regard, and the man obliged to accept the verdict under the Palver tree. It was clear-cut that entire segments of society had respected elders' decisions with unfaltering reference.

The custom of marrying the raped girl off to her molester was to cover the disgrace and 'shame or marriagelessness' brought to the girl in particular and her family in general. As stereotyped ideas of traditional norms still exist, the raped divorcee or unmarried older women used to confine to the house due to embarassment.

Those splendid traditional codes and laws binding upon various strata of Somali society that seemed worthy of imitation have become rampant in recent times. Sinister culture has bubbled to the surface instead in these recent years, as flagrant violations of women's rights have emerged. Most notably, rape cases that started in 78 to a certain extent are still continuing deliberately and unabated. Thus, such horrific rape acts now seem common within society, and no one tends to raise the question of sexually assaulted girls any longer regardless of either old or young women, pregnant or disabled women.

Despite this, there has been no let-up in sheer brutality. A number of women frequently come to the Human Rights Center complaining about rape cases, or other forms of violent physical force such as battering or intimidation. Some of these bore the hallmark of serious scars, which more often than not reveal harrowing tales of their physically and psychologically discernable anguish when they are interviewed.

It is quite easy to detect that they had undergone traumatic experiences from disordered psychic to agony resulting from mental and emotional stress or physical injury. Most of these women speak plainly and bluntly in condemnation of their sadists and reveal that they have feelings of hatred towards men in general or even their husbands. The women are constantly haunted by brutality inflicted upon them and have frightening dreams that usually awake them from their sound sleep-some experience of striking horror and emotional disturbance during their sleep.

Moreover, female teens are more sensitive to statuatory rape than that of grown women, because they are liable to frequent loss of confidence themselves. Their faces can be clearly read in the widespread repurcussions of fear and dismay-in effect, the most victimized young girl doesn' t always find people to succour with them in their time of danger, or anyone to sympathize with their 'Festered Wounds.'

With the poison of recurrent memory and the impact of sheer cruelty or savage acts on growing children may appear eventually indelible, almost all children were at present at the time that their grandmothers, mothers, sisters, maternal or paternal aunts were being raped. Deepseated animosity and vindictive feelings might develop in the minds of children in the future. However physically and mentally inflicted they may be, women and children are not expected to love the country or the people of whatsoever.

A lot of women hope to depart from any spot where they can see a Somali man, because of ingrained prejudices that have developed. The blame seems to fall upon the culprits and innocent people as well. It is quite amazing that such blame would be lavalled against a person who is free from any offense. But, conventional wisdom is that the innocent could not help the victims, becoming only a person to stand near the crime scene.

'The prevalent rape' has now become a new matter to Somali culture. It emerged in the late 1970s when the former dictatorial regime led by Mohammed Siyad Barre had used deliberate raping as a punitive tool to suppress rebels and their staunch supporters. When a group of disgruntled military forces staged an abortive coup in 1978, for instance, most senior officials officially involved in it had escaped to Ethiopia whereby they set bases from which to disrupt security in the country.

Despite their bungled coup' de' etat, Siyad Barre responded with a severe punishment and general paralysis on civilians living in the Mudug and Nugal regions to where the most predominant high-ranking officials of SSDF belonged. The strict crack-down consisted of arbitrary execution, rape, imprisonment without trial, torture, booty, and other numerous persecutions unarmed civilians in those particular regions bore the brunt of entire savagery as well as day-light plunder, personal properties were either looted or vandalized, whole economic infrastructures on which the rural livelihood depended were unyieldingly razed to the ground, wells buried and water reservoirs demolished.

It was confirmed that the despotic Military rule specifically selected on \lquote Army Unit' whose members were predominantly conscripted from Agricultural Land between two rivers, however the conscripts did not have any inkling of acquaintances with MUDUG and NUGAL Regions.

Specifically trained unit was encouraged to sexually harass women in all ages, including teens or elderly women such those injustice and voluntary acts become prelude to widespread premeditated rape and left the victims physically and psychologically traumatized.

Rape was utilized as general punishment against the background of increasing rebellious intensity in some parts in Somalia, especially in North Regions. Women at hot spots were frequently subjected to inhumane acts including horrific raping. Any body who was suspected of having involved in any support for Somali National movement (SNM) had to pay a heavy price for his/her espousing of political change.

In Mogadishu, systematic and sporadic raping re-started in late 90s, by that period, former senior officials close to Siyad Barre in Clan constantly harassed the girls. The rape had reached far flund in the latest period of Siyad' s Administration and post civil war. In that time that act became an instrument used as clan clearance, most militiamen accustomed to cloak under tribal mantle as to victimize and terrorize civilians outside of their clan affinity.

Women, girls, pregnant, elderly belonged to less dominant clans with having no tribal support were sexually molested, hundreds of women from unarmed communities indeed suffered rape, agonies, and untold miseries in front of their parents, brothers, husbands, or children.

Despite most raped Somali women usually can' t talk about their infliction, there are lots of women come at human rights Centre in want to impart their sufferings to the concerned individuals. Victims reportedly await justice that is unlikely to come forth, they want those convicts to be brought to book, but any justice is travesty for the time being.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

Here we have reports collected from victims, their comments and photos following:

1.) I, Jannay Aden Yarow, Somali by nationality, age 40, am currently living in Bondere District, I hereby declare a report I had offered to Dr. Ismail Giumale Centre for Human Rights is based on substantial fact as far as I' m concerned. Around 7:00 at the Night during the four month old civil war, my family consisted of 9 members to whom I gave birth for their late father, Osman Moge Alkaf, seven militia armed with sub-machine guns forced their way in our house, then threatingly aimed their guns at us with no proper motive behind that.

The armed intruders started beating my husband and some of my elder children with butt, after brutal beatings, they deliberately opened volleys of fire on us, killing two of my children, named Fatuma Osman Moge and Abdkadir Osman Moge and fatally wounding my husband, shortly after their departure, my husband died of a gunshot wound that he had sustained from the attack. The seven gunmen drove me out with force, and tortured me with rifle butts. I became physically exhausted and did not find no help. I screamed aloud, however my neighbors were reluctant to help me. At last, the gunmen started naking me and sexually harassed me relentlessly, I can hardly identify their faces or names.

2.) I, Falhad Nor Abdi, aged at 24 years old, am residence in Jungal District, I, hereby confess that I reported to Dr. Ismael Giumale Centre for Human rights, on which based the reality. During the four month old civil war, we fled from Jungal to the livestock market area, while I was a pregnant and I delivered in that same area. Therefore, I moved back to my previous location, during 15 days of my post natal period.

While I was on my way home back escorting with four other women wanting to our village in Jungal, we were captured by gunmen at the Greenline and they said that we were conducting reconnaissance then they brought us to the local elders nearby, while it was proved that we were not involved in any reconnaissance mission, the elders suggested to us that we ought to deal with five young militia men and then the elders left the scene.

The four gunmen sexually assaulted me in front of my four children, one of whom was my new baby boy.

3.) I, Kaltuma Ali Mohamoud, aged at 29 years old, living in Bondere District, am hereby proclaiming that I gave an account to Dr. Ismail Giumale Centre for Human Rights, on the ground to the reality.

During the civil war, my family that consisted of five children, mother, and father were peacefully at the home, four intruders, three of them armed, unexpectedly forced an entry into the house and aimed their guns at my husband ordering him not to move, one shot was fired in the air to manace us, one of whom ordered me to go outside for rape, however, I was sexually molested by the three of the men one by one, while the remaining one guarding my husband at home, therefore three of the rapists went home back to shift the other, tottered towards me and then raped me, so whole my life dramatically changed, constant fear against all men, and even my husband, still is smoldering within.

4.) My name is Mariam Abdulle Hassan, aged 24 years, I live in Hodan District, report I gave to Dr. Ismail Giumale Centre for Human Rights is authentic. I fled to a small hamlet named Buur-Fuule in Middle Shabelle Region, when four month civil war flaring up, we consisted of five members of our family, after days, armed men invaded and savagely plundered in the hamlet, after the looting they started raping the women at there. Three gunmen armed with machine guns entered our building, they rudely whisked my old Grandfather to outside and raped me.

5.) I am Mariam Sayid Abubakar, 36 year old women I hereby certify that the submission of my report is founded. After cessation of four month tribal hostitilities and conflicts, I moved back to my house that I have already left and founded it destroyed all furniture apparently looted, unlawfully vandalized. I and my six children continued to live in the house, no utensils and no clothes to protect the night from the frost weather, one of the nights, as I was yarning tales to my children huddled around me, six armed militia came. All the kids screamed loudly that everybody could hear, no help of whatever so came, a gunman landed blow on the face of o ne of my children whose shrill was ear shot. The armed gunmen raped me, while my children were gawking at that horrific scene. Two of my elder kids, tell me that they have some nightmares still seeing pictures of horrifying rape. I also feel shocked if I see a man.

6.) Samur Hassan Osman was a Somali girl who was encountered with both traumatic experiences and inhuman acts. Sahur was imprisoned in the Beder prison, run by the Islamic court. She was accused of pocketing US$23,000, given to her to illegally smuggle Somali refugees into European countries. Eight Islamic militia raped her in turn. Her cries were heard while a bitter exchange of gunfire occurred between an independent militia group and Islamic court gunmen.

An interview with memebrs from the Dr. Ismael Giumale Centre for Human Rights, who had visited a house where Sahur was beign kept by those who claimed that they owed her money. The claimants said paid 1,200,000/ =So.Sh., from the militia as to release her. The Dr. Ismael Centre for Human Rights expressed deep concern over the horrific and terrifying experiences that Sahur had undergone during captivity. The Centre now pleads to all local and international human rights groups to help Somali girls recover from their physical and psychological trauma. After she suffered from months of physical force, intimidation and rape, the captors released her in July 1997.

Notwithstanding, the widespread rape and other gross violations of human rights now appear lesser than that of previous times when factional wars were raging. And depending on how far factions were waging attacks on the side, side in the conflict the number of victims reaching at the Centre had dramatically dwindled. Now, few rape cases are reported from displaced refugee camps located on desolate and sparsely populated areas. For example, the Centre had managed to conduct interviews with raped victims - mostly pregnant women-in Jameeca Misra Village of the Bala' ad District in March 1997.

My Grandmother was raped.

Somali pastoral communities vied for grazing land using violent force, and animosity between tribes was intense. Traditionally, tribes have overwhelmingly had to endure deliberate sufferings including booty and rape, women were as stolen with force as a rustled camel.

My grandmother was reportedly raped and forced to shock up with a man against her own will throughout that raping. My grandmother gave birth to my mother; therefore, I am a progeny (?) and came from a sexually molested grandmother.

Here I have a short story, based on fact, although there are numerous cases in which the sufferers still opt not to disclose the information for the time being. People descended from raped mothers or grandmothers in past years can be divided into two categories:

(1) Some are unable to let the horrific stories known to the public, as they believe such remembrance may leave indelible impressions in their minds.
(2) Some venture to tell the exact pictures of previous events with courage and stamina. The sufferers reveal how their parents had already been sexually harassed.

The above mentioned preamble is enough to be concise, and I hereby start the gist of the story:

Not only did my grandmother suffer the rape, but also her elder sister Owrala (also known as Owrala Gambo-Dheer). The third sister fled the scene, and her whereabouts were unknown.

When my previous family saw how the invaders tormented them, they snapped. Hanat Mohamed Diriye, who spear-headed the sudden attack, had seized my grandmother-a queen of a beauty at the time-so there was no jubilation, ululation and marriage ceremony. He eventually started to use force and she wriggled free of him, but all of her attempts to escape were in vain as he forcibly threw her down and mounted on her. After this she was bleeding and became unconscious, as he lept on her like a manly lion. However, my grandmother had just conceived the pregnancy of my mother.

The story of my grandmother' s rape came to light during WWII. One night, my grandmother told the story to my sister Hawo and I. I was so shocked, totally to collapse, that the only things I heard usually were stories or tales of animals. After fifty years, I came to my knowledge, and recovered whole stories in my mind.

Where the incident occurred was thickly-forested land between Mugud, Sool, and Nugal. At that time, there was no functioning administration. There were frequently violent and/or tribal feuds for scarce grazing land and water. Clan confrontations were recurrent, and any tribe whose power was less was usually liable to sudden attacks.

One of the early mornings at that time, men armed with spears and venomed arrows attacked a poor family in the remote countryside. The invaders looted a number of domestic animals, especially camels. The family lived on good land suitable for grazing.

The attackers cornered off all access to the house where Hussein and his wife lived. The invaders drove nuptial girls and children away to an unknown location. One of those girls was my grandmother. The reason that I now reveal that matter after 100 years is my anguishe when I see the extent to which rape persists within the Somali community.

Narrated by Abdullahi Mohammed Sheegow, a member of the Ismael Centre Volunteers.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

Domestic Violence

Information concerning domestic violence is not readily available. Domestic violence is likely to be discussed openly. Traditionally, a woman's extended family protected her means. In cases of family disputes, for instance, the male members of the family often take husbands to task. A woman who does not have the support of an influential family is more likely to be abused. There is no tradition of shelters for women who suffer from abuse at home, with recourse generally being obtained from the family.

The lack of alcohol in the Muslim community and the protection that a family affords daughters after marriage both help to shield women from domestic violence.

Violence against women in the civil war During the civil war, the number of rapes by the bandits and Militia in Somalia was massive in scale. Rape became commonplace. Some of the rapes resulted in death for the victim.

A woman who has been raped is subject to the strong cultural stigma of no longer being chaste. Her family also bears the shame of not having been able to protect their daughter, who may no longer be able to marry. The victim is often condemned to life-long shame. Older women may feel it necessary to avoid going out in public. A woman who conceives as a result of rape receives no family support and lives in isolation. An attached, if not in public, often will not be discussed. Even if the woman is hospitalized, no mention will be made of it.

The frequency of rape against women in opposing clans is high in a war situation and the attacks are often public in nature.

(OTHER CASES TO BE INCLUDED BY THE HUMAN RIGHTS CENTRE)

Child Abuse

A child is recognized as a person under 18.

In Somalia, children frequently face severe punishment, particularly since the collapse of a proper functioning administration to protect children from maltreatment by parents or other caregivers.

Many parents torment children - by caning, lashing, or whipping - inflicting severe indelible marks on them. Sometimes, the physical injuries are visible.

Children need special protection and a proper environment in which to live. Over the past decade, the number of street children in Somalia has increased, due to total breakdown of family structure and the general insecurity in the country. Street children are particularly vulnerable to abuse, because assailants recognize that these children have no protectors and are often unaware of their rights. Marauding gunmen have abused children; many children are disabled, orphaned, molested, abandoned, or 'lost' during civil wars. Female children may face physical or mental violence, injury, and abuse, and although Somali culture confronts sexual abuse, in some parts of the country, this is still a pronounced problem.

There is the case of a small ten-year-old girl named Rukiyo (not her real name), who was raped at Lido Beach in May 1997 by a militia man belonging to a well-armed sub-clan. The rapist was apprehended and put in jail by officials of the Islamic court. Religious officials sent the victim to the Center for shelter; the girl was also sent to a local doctor for treatment. The Center was surprised by the report of the doctor saying that the raped child was not a virgin before the rape assault, even though the 'rape' has taken place.

In the meantime, heavily armed men belonging to the same clan of the arrested rapist raided the court prison and released their man by force.

From that time onward, the center decided to investigate the extent of child abuse and also sexual child exploitation. Studies conducted by the center have shown that there are between 10 to 15 children prowling on the streets for prostitution purposes at each of Mogadishu's market places. Some of the child prostitutes are available at khat selling places at night, offering themselves at very low prices, less than 15 cent of US dollar.

Now, because of the poor economy and the civil war, the sexual industry of children is now rising. Khat clients crawl in want of child prostitutes with whom to relieve off their 'reemis' after the chewing session.

Young girls under the age of fourteen usually take jobs as domestic servants in private homes of rich families; they almost always face around the clock drudgery of house-work with very low wages in bad conditions. Child servants, as usual, don't have greater stamina to perform hard and lengthy house chores, because of their tender age. Moreover, constant beatings or other bullying tactics are used in order to make child servants work harder. Incidents of child battering at their work areas indeed have become frequent occurrences. Many child servants go to bed hungry, sometimes with a meager meal, when members of employers' families help themselves with the food, food scraps always seem left for them.

Lots of child female domestic servants rarely encounter with sexual promiscuous intercourse at the work areas against of their own will. Although victims experience such those harassment usually on the job, they can' t be able to fill lawsuit against those alleged assailants for many factors, sexual molestation is as prerequisite for keeping them clinging to their positions or they may face dismissal if they exhibit an inkling of complaint, knowing the fact that there is still a grinding poverty which drove their families to send them to sweatshops and they can' t confront their harassers. They are obliged to continue to work as to survive; some of them don' t have homes or families to which they can return.

There is another case of a ten-year-old child who killed members of his own family - 'Bandits armed with both heavy and light machine guns raided our hamlet, rounding up all my family members and my immediate relatives. They started raping the girls,' according to ABDI. 'They forced me to participate in the execution of my own family and relatives. I refused to be intimidated at gun-point; they hit me hard till I had allowed to their plan, putting me a pistol on my head. I did so. Those wounded were later machine gunned by unyielding raiders. I left my village for Mogadishu and started begging. Eventually I got some kits to work (such as shoe-brushes). Now, I have been working as a shoe polisher for nearly five years. Sometimes, when I complete politishing, I receive threatening statements. Some people refuse to pay after I polish their shoes.

NOTE: According to our study, the most vulnerable groups among Mogadishu' s large street children population are the children belonging to the City' s sprawling internally displaced peoples - IDPs camps. The majority of these families (around 90%) are led by single mothers who - before migrating to the big cities in search of food and water - either lost their husbands or left them to look after the family property back in their villages. Almost all of these families established their IDP-camps in the former government semi-destroyed abandoned officer. Because of the non-availability of relief agencies, food hand-outs after UNOSOM departed the country in March 1995, depending on their childrens' daily activities. Some of these children, in search of food for their families, are tempted to engage in child prostitution, and narrated to the center horrifying tales of child-abuse cases.

VERIFICATION

I am Fathuma Abdi Salad, age 24. I was born in Mogadishu. My mother' s name is Hawa Mohammed. I hereby verify the submission of my report to the Dr. Ismail Giumale Center for Human Rights is sustantive. Here is the brief report:

On the 14th of July 1993, around 10:30 at night, I was in my kiosk selling drinks. An Italian soldier, Giuseppe Sabia, who was working at the construction section of 'jenyo' with the Italian contingent force came to me driving a crane. He spoke to me but I did not understand a word of what he said. Then he carried me in his hands for abduction, and hustled me into his crane.

I was brought to a container where three other soldiers had stayed near, drinking a beer. They started to beat and rape me in turn; they also broke my teeth and knocked me unconscious.

I was found lying outside of the former seaport, after I regained my consciousness and my clothes term, so the Italian men who raped me had thrown me there. A man named Mohammed Abdulle Shawl.

In the early morning 15th July 1993, I went to Bari Police Station as to submit my petition although my body bore the hallmark of serious injury, especially my teeth and my thighs.

The police gave me a note explaining my injuries, then I staggered towards Kaysanay Hospital, where I got proper treatment. The doctors prescribed 15 days of hospitalization.

The Victim, Fathuma Abdi Salad, Witnesses: Safia Abdulle Ali and Mohammed Abdulle.

P.S. Fathuma Abdi Salad was one of 9 Somalis taken to Addis Ababa by the Center and her case was heard by the Italian Commission of Inquiry at the Italian Embassy Compound in Addis Ababa.

The commission is comprised of: Ettore Gallo; Tind Anselmi; Tullia Zevi; Antonio Tambuzzo; Casere Vittale

Her case was subsequently testified as truth by the commission president, Professore Ettore Gallo at a press conference on the following day.

Translation

To: Bari Police Station, Mogadishu
To: Benadir Regional Court, Mogadishu
CC: Attorney General, Mogadishu
CC: Police Reconstruction Forces, Mogadishu
CC: Hamar Central Police Division, Mogadishu

On June 15th 1993, Fathuma Abdi Salad, born in Mogadishu, was brought to the police station with impressions of rape and beatings by Italian soldiers stationed in ex seaport.

Among the rapists was a soldier named Mar. Giuseppe Sabio. We, the police, sent the victim to a hospital and gave her a note for her injuries. We still are conducting further investigations and will later inform you of any other information.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

To: Bari Police Station
CC: Kaysaney Hospital

Verification: I hereby verify that the girl named Fathuma Abdi Salad, sustained injuries the teeth broken bruises on thigh, and right thump. I admitted her for ten days.

Signed: Dr. M.H. Sabrie

Testimonial: Somali Police Station, Bari Police Station
To: Benadir Regional General Prosecutor, Mogadishu

Lawsuit Submission

I hereby submit a lawsuit about a rape that occurred at ex seaport. The rape was inflicted upon a girl named Fathuma Abdi Salad, by Italian soldiers. In reference to SBB/BD/1344/93, Italian soldiers sexually harassed that girl. The victim told us that soldiers, including Mar. Giuseppe Sabio, were involved. Therefore, I submit to benadir Region General Prosecutor this letter: Bari Police Station Commander.

Somali Police Station, Bari Police Station, SBB 133/93
Subject: Injury

A girl named Fathuma Abdi Salad came to the police station with hallmarks of injuries inflicted by some Italian soldiers. Therefore, we request Kaysaney Hospital Staff to examine her and report back how far her injuries are. In good cooperation, Bari Police Station in Hamar, Colonel Yassin Iise Ossoble, Somali Police Force, Bari Police Station.

Testimony: I, Mohammed Abdulle, verify that I saw three Italian soldiers rape the victim, Fathuma Abdi Salad, near export. I then covered her with my shaw l while she was unconscious. I also clearly sustantiate her claims of rape and physical injuries inflicted by some Italian soldiers, one of whom I knew as Mar. Giuseppe Sabia.

The Eye Witness: Mohammed Abdulle

Written Confirmation

I, Sahra Ali Muke, am currently living in Abdi-Asis District. I am 24 years old and confirm hereby my factual report.

Around 24:00 o' clock on the 18th of August 1993, five Italian soldiers intruded into my house at the former seaport, where the allied contingent is based. They spoke to me in obscene language they later started to put sacks in the heads of my brothers and drive them outside. They came back immediately. Among those included soldiers named Massimo Diano and Mar. Giuseppe Sabio. The soldiers raped me in turn. My brothers, Nasir Ali Muke, and Hassan Ali Muke started shouting loudly. The soldiers tortured to silence them. After they finished their gang rape, they left.

Although I filed a lawsuit against Italian soldiers and went to the Somali Police Force at Bari Station, they said that they could not deal with the rape matter, as the Italians were operating under UN immunity.

However, Italian soldiers came as to place me in a dilemma, either to provide me with job or leave out, after on further reflection, I decided to offer me card as proof of membership for, I wanted to survive myself.

Police asked me where I had lived and if I could discern faces. I said that I had lived at former seaport and could clearly identify their faces if they were ar ranged in a row for viewing. I even told the police that Massino Diano was among those who raped me.

The case of Medina Mirudi

Medina Mirudi is a five-year old girl who was found wandering around in one of the neighborhoods in Mogadishu. She was taken to an orphanage run by one of the COGWO member organizations. The child was found to be infected and having pain in her vagina, and was admitted for treatment in a clinic also run by the organization. Her father had gone to Boasaso (NE Somalia) to work there and her mother followed because she was afraid he would marry someone else. The girl was left with her aunt together with her brothers and sisters. There was no food in the house, and she was sent out each day to find food. In these forays she met an older man who would take her to abandoned buildings and rape her five times a day. He would give her breakfast, lunch, and dinner. She would eat some food and take the rest home to her family. He also gave her money, which she gave to her aunt.

At night he would send boys to call her out of her house when he wanted her. The aunt never asked her any questions because she was the only one bringing home food and money. When he raped her, she used to cry, but he told her that if she cried, a hyena would hear her and come to get her. Finally, she decided not to go home and was found wandering around. She was taken to the clinic, where she seemed unwell and was examined. She had been split in two as a result of the daily rapes. Her aunt came to the clinic with armed men to take her back. When challenged, she said there was nothing she could do-that she needed the food and it was nobody' s business.

Follow-up investigations confirmed that Medina' s mother returned from Bosaso and took all the family with her to Bosaso.

The case of\'85 (____________) . \'85.Is a three and a half year old baby girl. Her uncle raped her.

(TO BE COMPLETED AND SENT BY COGWO)

Prostitution

Interview With One of the Nine Remaining Shingani Prostitutes

Q: What is your name?
A: My name is Marium Hagi Mohamed
Q: I would like you to tell me about your life without showing a reserved disposition, have you attended school?
A: Yes I did, but I dropped out of school while I was at the Sixth Standard Intermediate Level.
Q: Were you born in Shingani?
A: Yes, I was born in Shingani, therefore when I grew up, I was given a job in Casa Italia. I was supplying them with bread that I brought from the bakeries.
Q: Did you used to go to night clubs?
A: Yes, I was accustomed to going to them at night. After that, my mother forced me to marry an old man, old enough to be my father.
Q: How old was he?
A: He was seventy years old.
Q: Was he among your relatives?
A: No, he was not. Even that old man had another wife and lots of children around my age. However I got pregnant. One day his daughters and I got into a personal argument. At last I ran to Mogadishu. I directly told my mother that I would not go back there. (Afgoye District)
Q: How old were you at that time?
A: I was sixteen yeas ols, because I was born in 1969, then I was divorced. I started in 1987, going with one of the Marines at the American Embassy into n ight clubs - a black American man named John Hurry, so I gave birth to a baby girl. I still have my daughter with me.
Q: What is your daughter' s name?
A: Her name is Shamso John Hurry, but he called his daughter Munita. He went back to the USA because he had another wife. He actually sent me money for four or five months. He left me some golden necklaces. From that time onward, I stayed with Ms. Marium, the widow of the late Dr. Ismail Giumale Ossoble at the Center which was an institution where many people in need were given care, constant medical attention was given to my daughter.
As I had been living in the center for three years, UNOSOM troops arrived in Somalia. One day I went to the Uruba Hotel, where the Pakistani contingent based for me dicine for my daughter. I spoke Urdu. After that they told me to work with them. But the commander of the base said that it was impossible for me to stay there with them, because it was a military base. He suggested that I work in SILIGA, the former United States Embassy Compound. He made a card for me to go to work.
My salary was US$400. I still have my working card with me. After months of my work, I married Amudi Boy. We were born in the same village. I gave birth to a baby boy. UNOSOM troops eventually left the country, my salary stopped, so there were no other sources of income to support my family. His family asked my husband 'Does she have nay money?'
Q: Is your mother present here?
A: No, she is not. She is currently living in Saudi Arabia. I told the husband' s family to pay for the baby' s milk. They said 'the baby is yours.' Then he divorced me. My son is now with me, but my daughter of nine years old is with my sister.
Now I stay at a KARATE school in where I studied self-defense. I used to go the stadium. Several times many men tried to sexually harass me. One day a nomadic man came to me. Subsequently, one night, I asked him to me some money for the milk of my family. He closed the door and drew a dagger. So I had to fight with him to get the dagger away from him. Then he jumped back and pulled out a pistol and started to rape me.
I have a number of relatives but none of them had supported me. A number of people try to force me out of the house. I am currently staying as to be striped itd corrugated iron. The house previously belonged to a man by the name of Heer-Hamar of Arab origin. When night falls, I start to worry about my safety.
I want to tell you how I learned Urdu language. I had a Hindi family near me, so I usually drove their children to school, and I liked watching Hindi films.
Once I jilted a man who wanted to have an affair with me, but I flatly said no. So one day he hit me with a rifle butt. I jumped forward and caught the gun. He opened fire, but luckily, I survived.
Many girls like me live as prostitutes. Among those include: Ruqiya Ga' al, Sa' diya, Kadija and Fay Ali, but there are two others named Faduma and Barlin Sheik as to be prostitutes, for being afraid of their families.
All those have body guards who protect them from molestation. The total number of those who seek us reach around 30 men. The cost ofr sex ranges from 4 to 5 Somali shilling, less than US$1.
When Islamic Sharia courts were established, many of our prostitutes were being lashed. Some escaped. For example, Ruqiya Ga' al and Nadifa Hagi went to Bur-Karole, a widely known place for brothels.

PART TWO: Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today

Prostitution Interview 2

My name is Luul Aw-Muse Ahmed, born in 1969. My mother died when I was 12 years old. Ay-Musai, a woman who worked as a servant furus, fostered me. She indeed filled the vacancy left by my mother. I was a school girl at that time. My father married a woman with two sons, days later. My newly married step-mother lodged her two sons in my separate rooms, my mother's large photo which hung on the wall was torn to pieces. I was forced to live in a small room in which our servants had slept. All house chores seemed to be my sole responsibility, from clothes-washing, to food cooking and floor sweeping. I was responsible for going to the market and buying food and other items and I usually ironed the clothes and prepared dinner.

My father refused to buy school uniforms. He told me 'a girl' s place was at home.'

I then started contemplating to leave the house and go to the house of my maternal aunt. My father followed on my heels in a fit of anger and slapped me.

When he brought me home, he beat me badly and shaved my hair. My step-mother said 'Luul, mark my words, you have to prepare my children' s breakfast at six o' clock AM, because they go to school early at 6:30 AM.'

However, I said nothing about it. I continued my tiresome household work. On one morning I did not wake up early to prepare their breakfast, for I was so tired of all of the household chores.

The children went to school with no breakfast. My father and step-mother scolded me for not waking up early.

In the next morning, my step-mother burnt my legs with hot coal tongs. I jumped up screaming loudly. I was obliged to prepare the food. I was even afraid to tell my father about the burning, and I plunged into the depths of constant fear and anxiety.

In the last resort, I decided to run the house. I joined women who offered their bodies for sexual intercourse in exchange for oney.

Prostitutes stayed at brothels at Bur-Karole (a part of Mogadishu where prostitute houses are located).

I went in to one of these houses and saw an old woman sitting on a Jiimbaar - a Somali made leather bed.

'You join us,' she said.

'Yes.' I said.

'Oh, you are buxom,' she snapped.

She asked the reasons why I joined the group. I explained all the story; she said that she also encountered the same stories and problems from her step-mother. A girl with a comb came outside - we exchanged greetings. The girl and I continued our conversation and I asked the time we would wake up. She said, every body could wake up at a time of his own will.

I asked another question: 'Who prepares the food?' 'A boy prepares it,' she said in a low voice; the old women stood and said: 'Stop the meaningless conversation and teach the girl the job!'

EIDA said to me: 'You look like a blind dove, so we take the blind-fold from your eyes.'

However they taught me everything I could attract the male clientele, such as smiling broadly and soft speech.

I once got pregnant, so the old woman forced me to abort. Abortion was a very frequent occurrence in brothels. I was not alone - even several girls experienced the painful termination. I was aborted eight times, but two times I got babies that were strangled to death.

In only got 15 days of day-off after the delivery period because post natal care - the old woman took 200 out of 2000 so. Sh.

Sometimes, I faced physical force including boxing and beating from male clients, before the intercourse. I tried to endure because I wanted to get money through those traumatizing experiences.

If I concede now my life is better than that of the previous one under the constant intimidation of my step-mother and step father.

INVOLUNTARY AND CHILD MARRIAGE

Marriage is an institution whereby men and women are joined in a special kind of social and legal dependence for the purpose of funding and maintaining a family, so that the creation of a marriage should have a healthy foundation of mutual relation of bot h partners, as well as profound consent.

Human beings, like other animals, multiply by the union of the two sexes, so both couple who are in the process of reproducing offspring ought to possess a quality of being honest, marriage is given the hallmark of approval of both man and woman.

In fact, involuntary marriage practice is an old custom that most Somali people still observe, whenever the girl is at the delicate crossroad of childhood and adolescence, the parents, especially the father, decide to marry the child off to a man without her consent. The coercive tactics employed by fathers often demoralize the girl' s desire to live in general, for the sake of his personal benefit.

The method is very common among Banadiri or Bantu Communities, whereby the girl is hustled into a 'marriage of convenience', the father always is ready to offer his daughter to a man who pays excessive bride wealth. He usually doesn't care what repercussion may come forth or take into consideration his daughter' s reluctance in this practice we call 'marriage of means', because fathers treat their daughtrs as domestic animals in a pen surrounded by a fence.

Shortly after, Banadiri or Bantu girls are born, their parents plan to whom they will be given. Those girls have no independence to choose their partner. Even if they are seen with a boy, they are scolded by their parents and told that they have no choice but to accept the man that was selected for them. Marriage for love is not the reality.

Parental marriage exploitation is at frequent occurrence and is very widespread in the rural and urban areas. When the girl reaches the age of puberty, she may be likely to look for a partner of her own without parental choosing, but parents usually confirm that their growing daughters will be handed in marriage to male relatives.

The chief reason is that the children of their daughters to be their same clan. If the girl defies her father' s marriage selection she may face serious consequences. Parents tell their daughters clearly that they leave the house or accept their arranged marriage based on any consent or genuine desire, in order that the girl marry a boy of her own consent. Both loved partners decide to elope at a further destination about 90 km from where her father lives. This practice is widely known as Masafo.

If both affectionate partners accept encounter with unpassable obstacle from the girls parents, this may precipitate that the both partners escape as a last resort.

After the elopement, the boy' s immediate parents take care of the girl' s parents to offer some sort of bride-wealth.

The elopement has been very common in rural areas for years, 70% of married couples used that clandestine marriage, but now it is becoming more common in urban towns.

There are certain places to go for elopement such as Agarane in Marca, Waala-wein, Jowhar and Rage-eleh, all these distant areas are at least 90 km from Mogadishu.

So the girls fall on the horns of a dilemma, not knowing what to do or where to go. Deep anxiety starts to grow rapidly, some yield to traumatizing worry and then resort to suicide.

Causes of female suicide in Somalia are increasing due to unfavorable situations they face in terms of forcible marriage.

The Centre received substantial facts about a girl who had thrown herself from the second floor of the NBC Building after her parents strongly opposed her proposal of marriage.

Once the girl asked her parents to allow her to marry a boy that she loved very much. The boy lived in North Mogadishu, but the girl was in South Mogadishu. Her parents set up obstacles in their way. The father shackled both of her legs so she was unable to move and look for the person that she loved. She experienced great traumatic experience during her two year 'house arrest'.

As she was living the life of a recluse, she jumped from the building herself and sustained multiple fractures of the leg, arm and head.

So she was taken to the Dr. Hassan Jiis Memorial Hospital nearby where she had died later, according to the Center' s monthly Haddiilayaabay' , Human Rights Report, Vol. 13 Year II, September Month, pp. 7-8

In medical points of view, childmother whose body is not yet fully developed may encounter considerable problems during childbirth, because her body is not yet ready for childbirth.

For example, child wives always undergo a cesarean section, due to a narrow pelvis. The most common problem that the childmother encounters is the breech birth because the baby did not have enough room to maneuver around. Forty-five percent of the childmothers experience painful delivery, and even still-born babies are more common.

Ay-Sabadle: belongs to Banadiri race, when she was 6 years old,, she was aengaged to a man in her same clan, because the Banadiri people are accustomed to marrying their daughters off to men so as to preserve the origins of their previous ancestry and ward off any other tribal mixture.

There is another case of involuntary and child marriage: A little girl named Saudia Ali Hassan, aged 16 years. She was doing her home chores, when her mother bought 'henna' to dye hands and feet, and some clothes. When she asked why her parents were doing that, she got no proper reply.

When night fell, she was taken to a home nearby, she went in to find an old man with his hair shaven, and missing one of his canine teeth. She was shocked, nearly to collapse, and she looked back to see her mute parents, who left her alone with the old man in the same house.

'Before they left, my mother told me that my father had married me off to Hagi Abokar wen I was 7 years old, in order to promote a family business deal with the wealthy Hagi.

My mother has given me a tour of my 'would be' house filled with luxury imported furniture, while advising me to be nice and faithful to my husband, Hagi Aboker, who was in his late 60s.

After my parents emptied the house, Hagi Aboker attempted to persuade me to share the bed with him - a request I completely declined to accommodate.

After a few hours, the Hagi Abokar attacked me violently and succeeded in raping me with a sharpened instrument that I assumed he used in the process. It was a very painful ordeal, second only to one I had been subjected to during my Pharoanic Circumcision.

However, I stayed with him a few months, at last I escaped from his house, becoming a prostitute at 'Bur-Karole' (part of the Mogadishu area where there are brothels.) Indeed I heaved a sigh of relief when I began being a harlot. When the old husband heard that I joined prostitution, he divorced me. I took refuge at the pimp's brother, as my parents twice returned me to the Hagi Abokar' s House with violent beatings.

After months, I became illigitimately pregnant. After I gave birth to a baby girl, my parents came to me to help, and I rejoined with my family, and started a new life of my choosing.

Therefore it can be very difficult for that little girl to continue to live with a man who is older than 45 years than her. It is a gross injustice to force girls into any form of arranged marriage against her will.

Here there is another saying which is more of a surprise than those of above-mentioned-'A WOMAN YOU CAN' T TREAD ON HER CAN' T CULTIVATE' 'NAAG AADAN KU TUMAN KUUMA TACABTO.' This may precipitate widespread denial of women' s rights, physical force such as beating, slapping and caning should be mere tools the husbands resort to using if need be.

Also there are lots of proverbs that appear to be completely based against women' s rights. Some of them are below: 'Verdict decided by Female Goes no Farther' - 'Gar naagu Goysay Gaadka Ma Dhaafte.' 'Women are like tender meat' 'Naagu waa Hi lib Bisil.' 'Droght You Survive Through Women and Sheep.' 'Ide Naagba Abaartaa looga Baxaa.' 'WIFE AND DONKEY ARE CLOUT HELPING YOU.' 'Dumar iyo Dameerba waa Xeeg Daman.'

The phenomenal literature violating women's rights seemed only as unsubstantiated, none of these proverbs carried real pictures. Wives are faithful to their husbands and ready to upbring their children and preserve their traditon but other sex (male) is always on the way of violence and scorn.

Despite the men behave with savagery, most wives try to put all uterances of false charges or misrepresentation which defames and damages their reputations in one ear and out the other, they however pay no attention to proverbs intended to belittle them.

This may show explicitly how far women' s virtue is.

Looking at Holy Quran; God said in Al-Nisa Verses that the women belong to complete rights. Therefore Almightly had did reveal not any chapter naming Al Rijal (the men), this can be a witness that God granted the women certain rights, the most people do not know about these rights in the Holy Koran, owing to they even don' t have the rudimentary grasp of God' s laws.

Pervasive and abysman ignorance within society can play a direct role in brutal practices and weird acts by men.

Not only some of these verses of holy Koran clarify chaper deals with that the divorced woman should remain at home after the divorce.

Going outside of man' s home after divorce is believed to have brought from long standing traditional beliefs and also may show us that the man belongs to the home by himself a hackneyed proverb indeed gave the man encouragement of divorce 'Divorced needs no time to sit any longer' 'Naag La Furay Fadhi Uma yaal.'

Somali women have stamina, resiliency and mental or moral strength to withstand the widespread oppression. Somali Women are important segments of society, and play a crucial role in the country's development, without them, somooth running daily routines may get bagged down.

In men' s points of view, women can be regarded as domestic animals or as home utensils, so hereby is the adage 'Women is like a receptical in which you' 'Naagu waa weel wax lagu shubto.'

It is a complete fallacy to believe it anyway becaseu the old saying copares women with a vessel, the disparagement of women's rights dates back to many centuries ago, to observe obsolete custom, lots of people still keep belittling proverbs in their hearts.

Three percent of men who are aware of women' s rights almost always encounter propaganda and explicit impudence in their faces, the good men whose sympathy and tenderness for females are subjected to waves of allegations, one of which is that their wives wear the breeches.

Shortly speaking, the man who had already accustomed to respect his wife and had met series of accusations start toregret all his previous esteem or respect, he commences violent excitement, anger, intimidation and ear-piercing scolding so his wife is surprised at how the hell broke loose the man remembers an old saying:

'Man takes women' s order break the shin' 'Nin naagu u talisay tagoogahuu ka jabaa' so the respect that the man had for his wife became lost, disparagement and animosity develop; the family faces a total breakdown, eventually after the wife' s temper runs down she resorts to abandoning her children.

When wife and husband live together without children, all blames are heaped upon only the wife accusing her of being a barren without any clinical diagnosis, never a finder of suspicion is pointed to the man.

If the couple in marriage lost their dear children, the wife is subjected to frequrent blames, despite the death of children is destiny by the almightly God but not what the poor girl could shoulder the blames, the wife may have her name burdied about, peope in the village or husbands immediate relatives gossip the wife who' s chilren died as a jinx.

There are superstitious beliefs such as if a husband dies shortly after his newly married period the people say that his wife brings bad luck.

The most believed superstition about women' s bad luck said if she was born in posterior presentation (delivery) when newly married wife dies, people say that his destiny is that not to have her children.

In ancient tradition, rurals in some parts of the country observed obsolete beliefs when the women was about to travel by herself, women in Journey had an ewe or she-goat with.

In city, a stone was put in a car on which the women had to travel in order to make women' s bad-luck stop.

Savage phenomena still seem unfinished, here is story that shows the total negligence of women' s rights.

Once upon a time a very beautiful girl clad with sari and beads around her neck tending goats waled past a group of men seated under a shade tree. One of the men sheepishly snapped 'Oh! How beautiful the girl is!' Another old man collapsed with laughter and sarcastically said 'Catcha adonkey, wrap it with sari, wear beads round its neck, nothing more beautiful than it!' their general institution is that women don't have any natural beauty except what they wear as makeup.

There is an old saying 'Every bad thing belongs to female.' It is quite amazing the first rights in Somali history belongs to male, secondrights may go to camel, there is no place for women to enjoy the same rights as the men do; so there is nothing history says the man' s event of catastrophy and bad a man may come if he lost dear camels.

Some men starnd contemplating how he can marry wife during his former wife' s burial ceremony, but if husband died, the wife collapses with tears, she wears four month mourning weeds, she plunges into anxiety and worry that she has no on to share with. The unmarried men always enjoy certain rights, but unmarried girls can' t stay without marriage because people adhere to traditional adages 'woman is either in a house or in a grave.' This means women should be at a man' s house or his wife or she must be in a grave.

Violence and discrimination against women in Somalia today and PART THREE: The Peace Process

Polygamy Barrens and inferior fertility are the major reasons for marrying more than one wife. Polygamy is also a sign of prosperity. It may also result from inheritance of a brother or cousin's widow. A male relative is responsible for supporting the orphaned children of his brother, cousin or paternal uncle. Polygamy is considered a form of child spacing.

Polygamy weighs heavily on Somali women. Regardless of their socio-economic class, women may consciously burden the husband with many expenses and numerous children to discourage him from taking another wife. A good traditional husband gives his first wife gifts when he takes a second wife. Whether polygamy was brought about by death, prosperity or barrenness (?), it is always a menace from a woman' s point of view and often results in insecurity, jealousy and instability.

Female circumcision In Somalia, there are generally two types of mutilating operations. One is the sunna type (a mild form of female circumcision which consists of the removal of the prepuce of the clitoris only), and the other is the pharaonic type-a much more complex and comprehensive procedure encompassing excision and infibulat ion. Excision entails the ablation of the clitoris, and its partial or total removal together with adjacent tissues, sometimes including the entire labia minoria. What remains of the labia majora is sewn together to leave a small passage for the flow of urine and menstrual blood, and infibulation occurs.

Over 90% of Somali women were circumcised as girls between the ages of 5-15 years. The procedure may produce a range of immediate complications, including hemorrhage, infection, and retention of urine, and delayed complications including vulval cysts, chronic pelvic infections, and numerous obstetric problems, including obstructed labor owing to the non-elasticity of the birth canal.

Many people in Somalia oppose female circumcision and see it was a denial of women' s rights and a hazard to women' s health. It seems that few people would publicly support an outright abolition of the custom.

Before the civil war, the Somali Women' s Democratic Organization (SWDO) conducted a campaign against female circ umcision in Iodine district of Mogadishu furring 1987 to modify the behavior of the community. SWDO has prepared booklets and conducted seminars to emphasize the health hazards of female circumcision.

Other Forms of Discrimination (e.g. son preference)

PART THREE: The Peace Process

VIOLENCE AGAINST WOMEN BY THE UN FORCES

Maria Cristina Luinetti Awaits Truth and Justice in Her Grave

On December 9th, 1993, around 10:00 am, some of the Italia Field local workers surged into the Italian Embassy Compound nearby in Italian Contingent Based. Those who ran into the compound include an Italian and workers of the Red Cross, also Italian. They reported that there was a Somali man, armed with a pistol.

The Italian Red Cross aid worker recounted that the man had asked the nurses in the field hospital to treat his wound immediately. One of the Italian hospital workers informed the man that he would have to wait his turn; he angrily drew a pistol and aimed it at her. She pleaded with him not to shoot her and despite the language barrier, he listened, putting his pistol back in its holster.

Italian forces led by Lt. Colonel Luigi Cantone, who immediately arrived from Baldad, arrived near the hospital with ten Italians.

Among those who went to the field hospital were Major Franco Carlini, who was the Commander of the Italian Compound, and Capt. Antonio Caruso, escorted by the Four Military of the 9th Unit of Folgore. Also, Mrs. Nurto Hagi, the former first lady of Ali Mahdi Mohamed, was in the Italian Embassy Compound on the 9th of December, 1993.

I, the Italian interpreter, told Mrs. Nuurte Hagi to influence the matter peacefully, so she intercepted to save the life of Maria Christina Luinette and other Somali local staff. In an interview with Corriera Della Serra, conducted by Massimo Alberrizzi on July 20th, 1997, testified. When I told Lt. Colonel Luigi Cantone about Mrs. Hagi' s peaceful, he refused it and said that highly trained Italian forces were proud of having bargaining chips with a Somali Bandit Armed with a pistol.

The statement from Luigi Cantone urged an italian Military Force who had hear it. On December 9th, 1993, the first shot was fired by Salvatore Peruzzu (Turiddu), a member of Italian Caranbierri.

Italian Military Forces on the scene then started to open fire, many of them armed with Beretta SCP 70-9 guns. Colonel Cantone also had a Beretta pistol.

Despite the volleys of fire that lasted twenty minutes, Italian forces did not move an inch forward to the field hospital.

Colonel Osman Gas-Gas, senior Somalia Police Official, came onto the scene. After observing the general atmosphere of the place, he managed to persuade Cantone and his troops to move back and go to the other side of the street. Cantone had agreed to stop firing (although he had refused the same request of a peaceful solution offered by Mrs. Nurto Hagi.)

Gas-Gas, with his two body guards, entered the main gate of the field hospital. He then spoke loudly, saying that he would guarantee the safety of the man allegedly possessing the pistol.

Gas-Gas wanted to meet the man in his hospital room, without any armed guards escorting him. In order to show his desire to meet with the man to solve the matter, he ordered his men to remove the magazines of their AK-47 assault rifles as a gesture of good will; the men accepted the decision, so the man accepted that offer.

Gas-Gas sauntered toward the room and asked the man to hand the pistol over to him. Then both of them came outside and crossed the street.

The wounded man was taken in an Italian field hospital Land Rover Ambulance to the UNOSOM II hospital. Two hours later, the ambulance, escorted by Italian troops, returned.

Interrogation, coupled with torture, prompted the Somali man whose name is currently withheld (his name may be available if need be) to declare that a volley of fire opened up on he and Italian red cross worker, Mrs. Maria Cristina. She died later.

Italian troops used torture to extort a confession from the man, but he maintained his innocence, saying that he had only and pistol and it was not possible to unleash 9-fires that struck the Red Cross worker.

Italian officials examined her body, although they did not reveal their autopsy report.

It was quite amazing Captain Antonio Carusso was not Caranbierri, but belonged to the 9th Division of Folgore Battalion and another Lt. Colletta who was not a member of Tuscania - Caranbierri.

Colletta stayed a short time at Embassy Compound, he stood apart while the Commander of Caranbierri Unit of the Italian Embassy Base, Claudio Cruciani, Lt., none of them either asked or wrote.

As I have already mentioned above, Capt. Antonio Caruso conducted the investigation for three or four times and then left the investigation scene as to consult with General Carmine Fiore, the Commander of Italian Military Forces from Bal'ad, after having been informed of the death of Mrs. Maria Cristina Luinetti.

At last, Capt. Caruson came up with a report explaining that the Somali man who had taken responsibility for the killing of Maria. His report stated two pistols - one was caliber 9 pistol, the other was belgium made magnum 45 revolver. Captain Caruso threatened to kill the Somali man if he did not confess to the killing: 'We are committed to killing you,' he added.

Caruso showed his words were not jokes by hitting the man with his rifle butt. He wanted the other Carambi near his side to torture him, however, they did the torture and used every available equipment in the hands.

Capt. Caruso, flying in a rage, had said: 'O Abdi, make the man understand that he would not leave her unharmed if he does not accept the responsibility for the killing. We are committed to getting rid of him. Tell him he won't be the only Somali man that we killed. He has no choice but to take all the blame. Tell him to sign the confession papers.'

I am Abdi Hassan Addo, hereby verifying how I interpreted the words from Caruso to the Somali man and I told him there was no alternative way except to accept their statements. At last he had accepted.

I hereby certify that the body of Maria was found with bullets of magnum 45 and that Beretta Lugi Cantone had in his possession on December 9th, 1993.

After an oath taken by 19th July 1997, I, Abdi Hassan Addo, verify that I was a first hand witness. Official Witness: Abdi Hassan Addo; Other Official Witnesses: Captain Abdi Mohammed Abdulle.

Subject/Verification

I, Abdi Mohammed Abdulle, Somali by nationality, am living in the Shibis District. I hereby declare that this matter is based on the reality. On December 9th, 1993, at twenty past ten AM I came into the office. I soon heard gun-shots that occurred near the Italian Embassy Compound. We went to the scene at the field hospital nearby. Italian troops cordoned off the area.

We asked some eye witnesses at the scene and they told us that a man armed with a pistol had held hostage an Italian Red Cross Female Worker. Therefore, Italian soldiers attacked the hopsital and casualties were suffered on either side. We requested them to let us inside. We entered and came upon the body of the girl, covered. The man armed with the pistol was not present at the scene.

We at last realized the alleged criminal had only fired four fireshots in defense of himself and soldiers fired 9 shots toward the place where the girl was standing. After a day, we went to General Fiori, for reporting about his soldiers. He replied that the troops had gone to Hil-Weine and would return tomorrow. However, after a day, we went again and he gave us that same answer that he had the previous day. We requested the autopsy reports in order to verify or examine the facts. He ignored it.

PART THREE: The Peace Process

We did not find any assistance from Italian Senior Commanders, concluding the case her and passing it on to the court and to an attorney.

The witness: Captain Abdi Mohammed Abdulle

Investigating officer Oriyentale Police Station, North Mogadishu

After taking official oath, me, Abdi hassan Addo, hereby declared that the above mentioned witness acounts based on facts and truth at the extent of my memory.

The key witness: Abdi Hassan Addo

Translated Original Document

Somali Police Force, Bari Station, NO. BD. 687/97
Lawsuit Submission
TO: Benadir Region Court, Mogadishu
CC: Benadir Regional Attorney General

SAHRA ALI MUKE age 24 living in Abdi-Asis District, Mogadishu, was arrested together with her brothers Hassan Ali Muke, 21, and Nasir Ali Muke, 22.

When the police at the station asked the Italian soldiers why they wanted them arrested and what they were being held for, they said nothing at all. Therefore, we set them free in the morning. The girl accused all five Italian soldiers of raping and beating her brutally. We, at last handed her a note clarifying her visible injuries.

Bari Police Station commander, Col. Mohammed Muktar Yusuf

Case No. 1, 13 Year Old Boy Raped and Killed. This event took place at the former Italian Embassy Compound where the Italian Contingent of the United Nations Operations for Somalia were positioned.

On March 6, 1994, nearly 4:00pm, I Abdi Hassan Addo, a Somali interpreter working at the compound together with the Italian forces, entered the office of the field commander of the forces stationed at the compound, to produce copies of a visiting form with a photo copy machine lying a small room at the left side from the main door, where there was one of the national service military attached to the Italian forces, doing the photo copying process with the machine that stops sometimes and has to wait for a few minutes to restart its operations.

The Italian man with the photo copy tried to attain the machine functional to copy some visiting forms from the samples to produce more copes by dublicating it, and after minutes the copier started functioning.

After a few seconds, the field commander Franco Carlini came along with a Somali teenage boy, as I later knew, that he was called Ahmed Omar Ali, age 13. He was one of the Somali children who loved to gather in front of the main gate of the former Italian embassy compound as part of the street boys, I used to go there at the photo copy machine once three to four days after to copy original forms. I would make as many copies depending on the number of people visiting the compound. The location of the office in the compound, coming from the main gate is to the right. The stairway directly leads to the field commander' s office. The photocopy machine lies in a small room on the right hand side of the main door of the office.

When Major Carlini came in, accompanied by the teenage Somali boy, the man with the photocopier instantly put it off and began to stare at me directly with anxiety, somewhat trembling with fear and talking with me as a deaf.

He put his finger on his lips intending to say 'be quiet' and shook his hand to show me the seriousness of the misery due to the start.

Major Carlini sat at his desk in his office and held within his thighs over the undersized? Legs of the Somalii boy and began to grasp, with indications to pay his money asking the living conditions of his family although the boy could not reply his questions for linguistic hinderance.

Major Carlini, lastly began to put forward clearly his money offer and and picked out US$10.00 from his pocket, then US$20.00 and at last US$50.00, passing the money into the small boy' s upper pocket.

Finally, the boy fully understood the well-declared intention of Major Carlini and where it was directed to and began to say 'NO!' This was the only word he said after he came into the small room.

But Major Carlini strangled the boy, holding his throat firmly with his strong hands until the boy became unconscious. Then Major Carlini stripped the boy of his clothes and took off his own shoes, trousers and his holster.

He assembled the unconscious boy on a chair where he was sitting before, turnign the boy' s face into a northward direction, his hands hanging from the arm-chair and started sexually abusing the unconscious boy.

After finishing his abuse, Major Carlini held the boy' s shoulders while the boy did not make any movements during his rape by the Italian Officer, the evidence showed that he died after the officer squeezed the boy' s throat. He then pulled the body backwards with his pants still off.

He came in the small room with two persons (the Italian soldier working on the copy machine and I). After putting the body down, he found me standing on his left. He said with displeasure 'Why you stay here, who allowed you to come in'' but I did not reply but moved toward the door. When I unlocked the door, there was Sergeant Luigi Cerveda on guard outside the office. Walking beside the kitchen I saw Col. Luigi Cantone, Deputy Commander in Chief of the Italian Contingent and I told him 'the very serious abuse' that happened at the field commander' s office and he immediately came along with me.

Cantone and I went into the commander' s office together to find Carlini still half naked with his trousers in his hand. We half-turned toward the photo-copy room and stood by the body of the Somali teenaged boy and I said to him, 'Col. Cantone, at first the boy was killed by strangulation before his abuse by Major Carlini.'

Col. Cantone stared at the dead Somali teenage boy for a few minutes and then said to me 'Go to your place' meaning the main gate of the compound. I got there a few minutes later and after that I heard the sound of the walky-talky of the duty officer (Giorgio macera) from the Carambierri being called 'Nibbio Base, Quercia Uno calls for you.' When the Caranbierri man answered they told him that they wanted me to come to the field commander' s office. Climbing up the stairs, I saw Cantone and Carlini standing side by side.

Cantone asked me when I started the job. After hearing my answer, he informed me that the IBIS Operation ended and in a fews the Italian troups will gather at New Port and the Airport.

He asked the amount of money I earn per day and told him that it was US$7.00. He said that they have decided to pay the salaries of Somali employees until July 20th. He therefore said, adding to his comments 'you earn US$7.00 a day and we owe you the salary for 20 days, which comes to US$140.00.' He pulled out of his pocket two bank notes-one was US$50.00 and the other US$100.00 and said the additional US$10.00 was a gift. After that I tried to move, but he called me back and said ' you have to bring back your ID card, as I will take it back from all the Somalis. We are going to pull out from Somali soil, stop all the aid programs to the Somali people, because you re a society that is not interested in anything else other than scandals' he concluded.

NB: When I left the Embassy Compound, I started to prepare a car. I filled the tank with fuel and waited for the dead body of the Somali teenager to be taken aw ay by Italian Forces, while I sent a message to his family pointing out all his features and marks he had.

Nearby at sunset, the vehicles got out of the compound, armored vehicles led a Lt. Called Lupo 2 while the others from the task force (I do not know their names). We followed the two armored vehicles (myself and two of the dead boy's relatives) and they confirmed to me that his name was Ahmed Omar Ali, age 13 years old.

At the outskirts of Mogadishu, the Italian convoy went to the whole sand road beside the beach as I took up to the sand dunes, appearing both vehicles as dots when looked at from a far distance.

Both cars stopped near the trash side, where the Italian troops used to dump their survey waste, and threw the body of the Somali teenage boy. As the Italians came back, we moved to the side for their stop over.

I accompanied the two relatives when we looked for the body. We found the body of Ahmed Omar Ali and buried him in a particular place known by the following individuals: Abdi Hassan Addo, Omar Ali, and the child's mother and the two relatives mentioned above.

The withheld names and location of the mother' s name, the names of the two relatives, and grave will be declared when requested by authorized judicial committee appointed by the Italian government together with other neutral International body or bodies.

After taking the official oath, I Abdi Hassan Addo, hereby declaring today on June 19th, 1997, the witness accounts based on facts and truth, as the extent of my memory goes.

The Key Witness: ABDI HASSAN ADDO

PART THREE: The Peace Process

Case no. 2: On 2/15/93, Italian Caranbierri Police forces based at the former Italian embassy compound led by Cap. Paolo Nardone arrested seven (7) Somali individuals accused of stealing food from one of the feeding camps administered by the ICRC in Shibis District. The Caranbierre severely tortured the 7 Somalis using different apparatus such as clubs and hammers on various parts of their bodies.

On this day, a man called Ali Abdi Alasow, age 27 died in the former Italian Embassy compound; an Italian forces doctor who was a lieutenant approximately 25-30 years old (I did not know his name) confirmed that he died from torture injuries. Captain Paolo Nardone was present.

These involving the torture reasoning the death were Lt. Andrea Bernando, First Corporal Romeo De Pascalis, Michele Ferrari, Luciano Capelli, Santo Ignazio Bountempo, Poalo Malavasi, Salvatore Peruzzu, Oronzo Trinchere, Giorgio Neri, Roberto Soru.

Key witness: Abdi Hassan Addo

After taking the official oath, I Abdi Hassan Addo hereby declaring and certifying today, dated 6/19/97, the above mentioned witness accounts based on truth and facts at the extent of my memory goes.

Case no. 3

Between 8:00am to 10:00am on 2/22/93, the Italian Caranbierri Forces based at the former Italian Embassy Compound were outside the compound, except for Salvatore peruzzo and Romeo De Pascalis exchanging duty for the Sentry of the main gate.

At 10:00am Salvatory Peruzzo appeared out of the main gate, while a few days earlier he was tricked into buying a fake military medal with famous quotes of Benito Musolini saying 'Better to live a day as a lion instead of a hundred days as a goat' and the soldier paid US $25.00 for the medal.

Salvatore' s friends laughed and were entertained by him after he showed them the fake medal and talked about the way he had been deceived so easily.

On 2/22/93, Salvatore Peruzzo, filled with displeasure and rage, searched for the person who sold him the forged medal. He discovered a 14 year old boy from the young boys crowded in front of the gate who he thought sold him the medal. He caught up with him and pushed him into the compound while the Somalis cried out for his release.

Salvatore Peruzzo called me to interpret, and he also called Romeo de Pascalis to involve in the torture. DePascalis came with a club in his hand.Before he proceeded to beat the boy who they believed had deceived Peruzzo, they said repeatedly 'If you don' t return my money, you will not get out of here alive.' They continued to beat him until he was unconscious.

At 12:00 noon, Romeo De Pascalis was supposed to take over sentry from another soldier but instead went to lunch.

During his absence, someone brought me a bag of vegetables he had ordered before, and I took it to the Carambierri barracks.

I went through their dormitory rooms until I got to a small room that Caranbierri used as a prison with an opening used as a door and a window. Handcuffed prisoners were lying in the room.

Glancing in the room through this opening, I saw the body of a Somali boy, and at the evening of the same date between 7:00 and 8:00 pm I saw the body of the Somali boy thrown into armored vehicles (the military typed called WCC with chains) driven by Romeo De Pascalis while Salvatore Peruzzo was the gunnery of the vehicle escorted by the military personnel carrier called the Campagnolo. On it were five Caranbierri soldiers-among them were Michele Ferari, Oronzo Trinchere, Santo Ignazio and Paolo Malavasi.

After taking the official oath, hereby, I am justifying today dated 6/19/97, the above mentioned witness accounts based on facts and the truth at the extent of my memory.

CASE No. 8

Hereby giving the evidence, I, Bashir Yusuf Guled, born in Mogadishu, age 30, present the following accounts:

On 6/3/93, my father Yusef Guled Kulmie, my wife Habibo Osman Samow and I were driving towards Bula Burte in a Toyota Cressida (18-R), and encountered the following situation:

We needed to catch up with a UN Convoy carrying wheat to Beledweia, and another civilian truck with cargo escorted by the Italian troops between 8-9AM. When approaching the Hilweine area, an Italian Military base usually blocked by an armoured vehicle of Italian troops, we encountered resistence. Troops tried to divert our way as we descended from the highway to a small sand path, and fired at us as we approached. The bullets hit my father in the chest, and hit me with such force as to knock my wife and I both out of the car. The Italians then started to interrogate us by force, asking us questions of a torturing nature. Among the questions were such incriminating demands as 'where did you hide your weapons', which sent my 8-month pregnant wife Habibo into such shock that she fell unconcious and dropped to the ground.

The only thing I remember is this: when they moved me out of the car, a short man with an AK-47 assault rifle stood in front of our car, and after confirming that we had no weapons, confiscated all of our money. We had been carrying money with us to attend the funeral of our grandfather, Guled Kulmie Halane. Our money totaled 12-million Somali shillings. We watched the soldiers pour gasoline over the money and burn it to ashes.

After the troops smashed in the windows of our car and continued their journey, we moved ourselves to the nearest field hospital in Hilweine. The death of my father was confirmed at the hospital. I took my father' s body and buried him at Basra, a village near the Balad District.

And back in Mogadishu, my wife died at the Digfer hospital on 6/4/93, delivering a dead child.

On 6/4/93, I went to the Gate of the Italian Embassy Compount to speak with the Italian Fores Interpretor. At first glance, I recognized him. His name was Abdi Hassan Addo.

CASE No. 9

I, police inspector Mohamed Ahmed Dirie, hereby give testimony that I received injuries from some of the Italian contigents operating in Somalia. To add further cre dence to my statement, I come along with the Dr. Ismail Guimale Centre for Human Rights. I further state that my testimony will be based upon the truth and real facts in my memory. The summary of my statement is as follows:

On 5/25/93, between 9-10AM near the Fagax Checkpoint' s Food Distribution Centre, some 25 Somali policemen were working together with the Italian forces. A young Somali lady dressed in the traditional Muslim costume walked up to the checkpoint and was undressed by an Italian soldier. He took the cover from her back before I said to him, 'Don' t undress the girl for we are Muslim, and it is forbidden for you to do so.' As I tried to stop him, the soldier rushed to me and began to beat me with the butt of his gun. Other Italian soldiers hurried over to support him, and used the gun point and the gun blade to attack me, wounding my left hand and the upper part of my left eyelid. They then went on to kick me with their military boots, as my wounded back and neck bled heavily.

The Somali police were fired, but since there were no casualties for the Italians, any further reactions were halted by the unarmed police.

As I fell unconscious, the Somali police took me to the Karan police station. But just minutes after my arrival, a large number of heavily armed troops came to the police station looking for 'the man who fought against us.' ' We knew that he worked with you,' yelled the police, as they surrounded the police station from all sides, confiscating all weapons from the police station.

When US troops arrived, they forced the Italians to return the weapons confiscated by the Somali police, and I was sent to Keysaney Hospital, where I received two days of treatment. It was difficult for my relatives to visit me there, however, so I demanded a transfer to Digfer Hospital, where I have received treatment in the past.

Among the men who attacked me from the Italian contingent were two named Aspirin and Banoni. Those are the only two names I remember.

The interpreter later confirmed to me that he accompanied the Italian Forces that attacked me on 6/3/93 near Hilweine Military Base. He also informed me that the short man with the AK-47 was at the rank of Captain. His name was Giuseppe Faraglia.

I then gave the interpreter the papers documenting my accusations. They instructed me to return on the following day. However, when I returned on 6/5/93, a number of tanks stood in front of the main gate. An interpreter informed me that it would not be possible to have contact with Italian officials. Apparently, a number of Pakistanis had been executed, and the Italian forces were preparing themselves for a major operation due to come.

I returned to the base several times. So many times I returned there-but no action was ever taken on the matter.

(NOTE: Bashir Yusuf Guled was a one of nine Somali victims and testimonies taken to Addis Ababa on July 30, 1997. There he testified before the Italian Governmental Commission of Inquiry, led by Professor Ettore Gallo.)

I also recall a captain who served as a mediator between the Italian troops and the Somali police at the Karan Police Station. His name was Captain Massimo Deina. He was not a member of those who injured me.

Justified by Police Inspector Mohamed Ahmed Dirie

(NOTE: Inspector Mohamed Ahmed Dirie was also one of the nine Somali victims to testify in Addis Ababa before the Italian Governmental Commission of Inquiry. All of his original documents, including the police commander' s report and doctor' s reports, are available at the Centre.

INTERVIEW: Prostitution

My name is Sa' dia, and I was born in Beletwein. I have completed schooling through the intermediate level, and am married to a man named Abdukadir. He works as a bus conductor. When I first became pregnant, I told him to go to my parents and introduce himself as my husband. So he did, and my father and mother told me I was very lucky indeed.

We then settled into a new home in Waberi District. I soon gave birth to a baby girl. But after several months together, my husband and I were locked up in a bitter quarrel. He divorced me soon thereafter and moved to Saudi Arabia.

But when I later gave birth to a second girl, he returned to Somalia claiming that he had not divorced me and came back to our home. Soon after his return, my husband began drinking wine and going to nightclubs. He married another wife while continuing to live with me. My parents suggested that I ask him for a divorce. I asked him, and he did so unwillingly.

During the four-month civil war, my husband died. I had four brothers as well. Three of them died after a shell landed on our house. My only surviving brother started to seize properties that I had inherited from Abdukadir, and my parents forced my children and I out of our house. One of my daughters died in the process.

However, I resorted to roaming around the streets for hunting men. My mother sought after me in Shingani, but I told her that my only source of income depended on my prostitution, and I had to ensure that I could feed my children.

My older brother went to the Islamic courts to file a lawsuit accusing me of being a harlet. When I was summoned, I went to the court to defend myself. I was eloquent in my presentation, dismissing all of his allegations as nonsense. I was not found guilty,

After several months, I was married and became pregnant. I gave birth to another baby, though my post-natal care was very poor. Being confined to my home for recovery, I was not able to look for money and began to run short on food.

I soon returned to a life of prostitution. My girl looked well-fed and was healthy. After years of being a prostitute for the sake of my daughter, she has grown up and married. Now she is divorced with a baby, and we all live 'the same day'.

We still have a constant fear of rape at night. I have been faced with several intimidating situations. One night, two drunk men broke into our house. One of them strangled me. I begged him to let me go, and told him that I was ill. He yelled back at me that he took no care as to whether or not I was ill. 'I will not let you free until I have intercourse with you,' he said in a high-pitched voice. He had a knife and a club, and beat me savagely. I shouted as loudly as I could, so loud that all of my neighbors nearby heard my cries and ran over to help me.

I was fortunate that my neighbors protected me from him before further rape or brutal beatings. The same man sexually assaulted me several times after that. I have horrific memories of each incident.

In a separate incident, two masked men pushed in the front door of our house. I shouted ear-splittingly, but they escaped and were only caught after the fact. Two men who came to know me instantly- the very men who only pull their masks off. I can' t begin to explain all the terrible experiences I' ve had to continually undergo.

REPORT: Rape

I, Lul Abdi Mohamed, age 25, a mother with two daughters, am currently living in the Hodan District. I hereby declare that this report, which I have submitted to the Dr. Ismail Guilmale Center for Human Rights, is based on substantial fact as far as my memory extends.

Before nightfall, I left from the Bakara Market, where I conduct commerce activities. It was March 1997. On my way home, I was suddenly met by four armed militia-men with sub-machine guns. They said to me, 'Turn over, you woman.' I resisted them, while shouting out, 'why am I turning over'? What is the matter?' One of the gunment held my throat and said, 'Come along with us,' pushing me forward. He held the butt of his gun up to my stomach, as I was 8-months pregnant.

They threw me into a demolished house, as I persisted in begging them. I cried out, 'Brothers, can't you see that I'm pregnant?' And they answered, 'Didn't a man like us make you pregnant?' and began to rape me.

They released me after about 90 minutes, and as I tried to make my way, the gunment ordered me not to go in the direction of my home, and diverted me to another position.

I could not go on my walk, for I felt a severe pain in my belly and had to sit down. Some women nearby helped to carry me away. After finally arriving home, I felt yet another pain and bled for awhile before I delivered a dead boy child the following evening.

The pain began to increase, and my relatives took me to the doctor. Dr. Hawa Abdi told me that my uterus had become infected, and prescribed medicines for me. Although I feel well now, I still feel that I have lost an important part of my body. I don' t know how else to express this horrible experience I had.

Commentary: Lul was a woman who experienced severe pain, often appeared absent-minded, and seems to have lost trust in everyone. She reminds me of her misery when she says, 'my husband cried out and said that he could do nothing for me, because he has no power and can' t confront these armed men.'

'There is no justice that can make up for what happened, ' her husband said. 'We were on death row, and they had the capacity to kill you. God bless that they did not kill you.'

LUL ABDI MOHAMED.

Case No. 6: 17 Individuals Massacred

September 6th, 1993, was the fixed date for the Italian troops to withdraw from their check-points in different parts of Mogadishu.

Serious arguments began from the Pasta Factory - Checkpoint, due to the takeover by Nigerians from the Italian troops positioned there.

Between September 4th and 5th, of the same month in 1993, the former Italian Embassy Compound hosted a meeting attended by officials from the contingents of the Italian troops, Nigeria, American, and a delegation from the leadership of USC/SNA.

The USC/SNA delegation declared during the meeting that they were opposed to the plan to install Nigerian troops at Post-Factory Checkpoint. They accused the Nigerians of being involved in a plot by Americans to massacre USC/SNA supporters using the name of UNOSOM II. They alleged that the Nigerians were allied with the Americans.

The reason USC/SNA preferred the Italian from the Nigerian troops from Africa was economically dependent on the tax collection purpose after the Italians pulled out from the Past-Factory checkpoint.

The event of July 2nd will be fully described whenever it becomes suitable.

It was a hot deal, the local and foreign media exposed the details of the Italian Embassy Compound exclusively. Therefore, North/Mogadishu people showed their sympathy and support towards the Nigerians with chants and clapping.

At 11:00 am, both Nigerians and Italians rushed to the Past-Factory, where the USC/SNA militias seized the checkpoint next time (their first seizure at the checkpoint was July 2nd, 1993).

Italian forces transport was seen at the San' a street conjunction. At that time, a heavy street jam existed and a crowd of people appeared at the street to see what the Italian troops were doing. Although the convoy led by lt. Col Augosto Staccioli leaded with seven bodies of Nigerian soldiers killed left only their underwear as their only cover.

The population on the streets showed their belief that the Nigerians were conspired by Italians and started stoning the Italian convoy.

These at the first row of the convoy from the 9th Unit of Folgore Battalion started firing the innocent Somali People who were angered by the killing of Nigerian Soldiers. The spraying bullets wounded a number of people. Others were taken by the Italians as hostages to their positions.

17 Somali individuals were detained in the Italian Embassy Compound. On the same date, the relatives of a Somali girl shot by Italians arrived at the same compound, complaining that the Italian troops fired a taxi car near Ferro-checkpoint, killing a girl and injuring two other girls accompanying her.

First, Italians attempted to deny the action, but with the north Mogadishu tension drastically increasing, the Embassy Compound continued to receive alarming reports regarding revenge actions which for the Nigerian Forces killed. They heard it said that Somalis and Nigerians have the same blood and italian threatened to receive retaliation actions, blaming that they were supportive to USC/SNA, at last, the Italian military officials affirmed, the death of the Somali girl near Ferro-checkpoint.

Lt. Col Augosto, the Commander of the Folgore Battalion, told the relatives of the dead Somali girl that Capt. Antonio Caruso the orders that led the killing and shooting of the taxi-car near Ferro, even the Captuain Caruso gave orders to open fire to the car at a close-up distance for the tension was rising up and few minutes befor the hand grenade was thrown at the checkpoint but did not explode, said Lt. Colonel Augosto.

On the same evening, September 6th, 1993, Captain Antonio Caruso proceeded the interrogation of the 17 persons kidnapped from the San' a street conjunction, holding a very big club in his hand with rage and feelings of displeasure and cruelty, and telling the prisoners that clan confrontation makes no sense to him. He said, 'Hospitality or fraternity towards the Nigerians by the Somalis is none of my business,' adding 'Nigerians and You Somalis' means to me black rubbish making me to vomit when heard but nothing else.

On 6th September 1993, approximately 7:00 pm, five military vehicles appeared out of the Italian Embassy Compound main gate, escorted by Italian Soldiers armed with AK-47 assault rifles, G-3 and SAR-80 formerly owned by the Somalia used for such cold blooded secret killings to avoid traces of weapons used come into the Italian forces.

In the vehicles were 17 somali prisoners, hand-cuffed, black sack on their heads, lying down on each other. VM-typed military personnel couriers of Italian forces led by Captain Caruso.

THE ABSENCE OF WOMEN FROM THE FORMAL PEACE PROCESS TO-DATE

Throughout the Somali history, culture has been an oppressing factor contributing to the backwardness of Somali women in the decision-making and reconciliation processes.

During the colonist period women have taken a lion' s share in the fight for independence and have played vital roles in the construction of the country after independence. This signifies their interest and commitment to public matters.

The effective participation of women in the decision-making has highly declined with the outbreak of Somalia' s civil war. The emerged political leaders considered women not to be suited for the reconciliation and could not attend in most reconciliation conferences; and if attended with insufficient number to pose their decision-making capacity. This lowered the involvement of women in the reconciliation and decision-making scenes. Small number of women has attended in Dijibouti and Addis Ababa conferences. Even those who attended were invited on the basis of NGOs and along clan-lines merely to be observers, without any decision-making role.

In March 1992, conference, held in Addis Ababa, a good number of women, with sound decision-making capacity, attended from the entire Somalia. They expressed their dissatisfaction with the situation in Somalia and stated that they had a role to play in the peace process in this conference. The pressure of women participants encouraged political leaders to end the armed conflicts and reconcile their differences through peaceful means. At the conference, participants including political leaders and many international communities were impressed with the initiative that women participants have shared with the other participants who were present there. The result was some feasible recommendations towards sustainable peace. The active participation of women in the conference and with support if the international community has persuaded political parties to involve the representation of 30% women in the emerging district and regional administration councils. This was mutually agreed although it was not put to practice in many areas.

The pull-out of international bodies from Somalia had several setbacks for the women' s groups. The lost adequate access tot he reconciliation process as political leaders declined to take forward any further efforts aimed at women' s involvement in the reconciliation. Almost all the entire reconciliation meetings took place inside and outside the country after the Addis Ababa conference in March 1995, were not attended by any active women' s groups.

The lack of a monitoring body and women' s involvement in the following conferences had led to or served as the cause factor for the early failures of peace agreements:

1. Nairobi meeting March 1997, 2. Sana meeting May 1997, 3. Cairo meeting May 1997, 4. Sodare meeting January 1997

Concerning the upcoming Bosaso meeting, the international community have put enough pressure on the political leaders to involve the civil society including the women' s groups. Even then, the existing indications reveal that only a handful of women will have access to this meeting.

Currently, the political leaders are engaged in political negotiation discussion in a meeting in Cairo sponsored by the Egyptian Government. No woman has been invi ted even to be an observer. The two main political factions who are in face to face meetings have some women members in their respective camps and even those women were not given an opportunity to participate in these vital discussions. A reconciliation conference held in Bosaso or Mogadishu is expected to follow the Cairo meeting. The handful of women who will be invited will be chosen based on their loyalty to their political leaders. Considering this, apparently women will have less access in decisi on-making during the forthcoming reconciliation conference.

PART FOUR: Civil Society Movement

Coalition for Grassroots Women Organization

The Coalition for Grassroots Women Organization (COGWO) was formally established in January 1996 though the ideas of a networking forum for Somali women started as early as January 1995. Thus, the creation of COGWO went through a long process before potential members would come into an agreement about a common vision and determine its role in relation to members' roles. Part of the process were the organization of two workshops held in August and October 1995. The first workshop was utilized as an opportunity to: (a) sensitize potential members to the ideas of networking (its benefits, how it can operate, examples of existing networks were shared, reasons for failure for some networks that collapsed were looked into as a learning experience); (b) develop a common understanding of the NGO' s role in general; (c) reflect upon the distinction between the roles of the Network and individual NGOs who wanted to be a part of the organization; and (d) pinpoint how all members can complement one another within the proposed umbrella organization as well as outside of it.

The second workshop focused on analyzing the internal environment (strengths and weaknesses) and external environment (opportunities and threats) of the Coalition. The outcome of the SWOT analysis exercise resulted in the production of a strategy to address threats and formulation of activities and projects to tap on opportunities while attempting an elimination of at least some of the threats and internal weaknesses. This second workshop also facilitated the generation of a purpose statement which reads as follows:

'COGWO is an umbrella organization that will provide a networking structure for Somali women groups so that they can develop healthy relations (locally and internationally) that contribute to the advancement of Somali women' s rights and their social and economic advancement.'

The by-laws of the Coalition were also reviewed and finalized after some amendments were done to the satisfaction of all potential members.

COGWO is the first network initiated by Somali women to address critical concerns of Somali women. It is the first organization known to target the unification of efforts of Somali women and inspires them to address common issues jointly. So far, it is the only known organization to have seriously taken the realization of Somali women's rights as a prime objective. It has dedicated members who are determined to make positive changes in the lives of Somali women. Current membership of COGWO stand as 96, composed of 18 member organizations and 6 individual members. Member organizations operate in five regions (Benadir, Middle Shabelle, Lower Shabelle, Hiraao, and Galgadund) of the eighteen regions tht that country is composed of. Interest in the Coalition is growing each day and its aspirations are to expand its coverage to as many regions as possible; and eventually realize the representation of women from all regions.

The Coalition has its headquarters in Mogadishu and has adopted an operational strategy of collaborating and working with umbrella organizations that would hopefully emerge in various regions of Somalia.

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

Eleven board members were in elected in January 1996 to serve as the nucleus of the organization. Their terms ended on the 31st of December, 1996. They continue to serve COGWO until the election of new members on the 27th of February, 1997. The BoD meets on a monthly basis to deliberate upon the affairs of the organization. Minutes of the meetings are all documented. The new BoD members are listed below, with their terms expiring in February 1999.

(1) Mariam Adbulle Qawaane
(2) Mariam Yusuf Sheck
(3) Khadija Ossoble Ali
(4) Suldano Mohamed Addo
(5) Lul Said Ahmed
(6) Asha Abdi Dini
(7) Faiza Jama Mohamed
(8) Fadumo Osman Omer
(9) Habiba Sheikh Hassan Hamud
(10) Aini Abukar Ga' al
(11) Amina Adam Abdi

The BoD held its first meeting on February 4, 1997 to elect its executive team including the chairwoman. Mariam Abdulle Qawaane was re-elected as Chairwoman.

AREAS OF INTERVENTION

Once the Coalition was established, a series of meetings were held to determine COGWO' s main areas of intervention. As a result, the following were identified as critical and relevant to the purpose set out for COGWO.

(1) Peacebuilding
(2) Promotion of women rights
(3) Capacity building (for Coalition members)
(4) Networking

ACTIVITIES UNDERTAKEN/PLANNED

1. Peacebuilding

Conflict management workshops were held for 60 women in Mogadishu and Jowhar in March 1996. These workshops were sponsored by the Fund for Peace (FFP) and utilized women trainers who were specially trained on this subject in July 1995 in Durban, South Africa. Follow-up training is planned for the same group and also to reach out to more women in various locations. A proposal was developed and forwarded to the National Endowment for Democracy (NED).

Social gatherings were organized to March on the occasion of the women's day, to highlight burdens on women and their sufferings as a result of the civil war. Messages were directed at orienting women to refrain from supporting conflicting factions and instead divert their energies to more peacebuilding.

In May, 1996, a peace demonstration was held in north Mogadishu in protest to renewed fighting in south Mogadishu.

In conjunction with the African' s child day, a workshop on the effects of war on the Somali child was held in Mogadishu on June 13, 1996. An appeal was released emphasizing the extent to which the conflict was violating the rights of the Somali children. Various children read the Appeal on June 16, 1997, at various rallies organized in Mogadishu and Jowhar, and pleaded for a secession of all kinds of violence by warring factions.

COGWO has also encouraged its members to solicit independent funding for projects targeted at peacebuilding. Kalsan Voluntary Organization managed to secure funding for ACCORD for a conflict management training held in north Mogadishu in January, 1996. Saacid Voluntary Organization also secured funding from Oxfam America for a two year project which also offered training opportunities to some COGWO members. A drama on peace has also been one of the strengths of Saaci' s peace promotion program.

In the spirit of collaboration among the members and/or members and COGWO itself, Saacid and COGWO organized a Peace Advocacy Planning Workshop which was held during February 22-23, 1997 at the Kaah Hotel. Participants included women and men from other regions (Gedo, Hiraan, bay, Middle Shabelle, Galgaduud, Bakool, Sahaag, Mudug, and Beri and Benadir).

2. Promotion of Women Rights

One of the major threats coming out of the SWOT analysis exercise was that women in general are at risk from influences of Islamic extremist groups who have no respect for women rights. Women were considered to be potentially at risk because of their limited knowledge about the Quran and Islamic teaching. This assumption needed to be validated. Thus, with assistance from the Netherlands Organization for International Development (NOVIB) a study on women rights from the perspective of Islam was undertaken. COGWO members participated in the exercise. The results of the study were shared with COGWO members at a Woman' s Rights Workshop held in June, 1996 (also sponsored by NOVIB). The participants used the outcome of the study to pinpoint pillars that are supporting the violation of woman's rights and develop a strategies to remove them. The exercise led to the production of a set of recommendations concerning how to safeguard against violations of Somali women rights and build up support groups. COGWO is now in the process of formulating a project proposal using the workshop recommendations as the basis of the design. The project will include various interrelated components that are meant to promote women rights in Somalia. These include awareness raising as an attempt to gain positive attitudinal changes among the community (men in particular) with respect to gender equality and developing a national policy on women. Various approaches will be applied to realize project objectives - workshops, study tours, media, drama, informal meetings and lobbying. It is a two year project which is intended to co ver five to seven regions.

1. Capacity building.

COGWO organized (with assistance from some volunteer trainers) for its members one day training sessions on gender and development, basic accounting, towards a unified functional literacy program, and communication - how to overcome barriers. Some training sessions scheduled for 1997 include: cultural values and the organization, community mobilization concept and approaches, basic steps in management, women and violence, and essence of support groups.

During March 4-7, 1996, an organizational development workshop sponsored by NOVIB was held in Mogadishu. COGWO members participated and acquired leading in concepts of OD and leadership development, assessed and prioritized their OD needs and produced individual workplans for OD interventions.

COGWO' s strategy is to incorporate capacity building support in projects on peace building and women rights promotion to address the members' specific capacity building needs in these areas so that their interventions will be optimal. In addition, COGWO is in the process of designing a proposal that is intended to address organizational development needs of COGWO members. A potential donor has not been identified yet.

2. Networking

2.1 International Level

COGWO joined three networking organizations and is in the process of joining a fourth one. These are:

1. SIHA

In March, 1996, COGWO joined the Strategic Initiatives of the Horn of Africa Network (SIHA) which brings together women from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Somalia, and Sudan. Issues common for women in these countries are consulted about and joint agendas and plans laid down to address them. Specific country plans are also shared. COGWO' s chairwoman attended SIHA' s Consultative Workshop held in Asmara during the first week of March, 1996.

This initiative is supported by NOVIB and the Centre for the Strategic Initiatives of Women (CSIW).

2. FEMNET

In early August, 1996, COGWO was registered as a member of the African Women' s Development and Communication Network (FEMNET) and participated in FEMNET' s 1997 Programming Conference held in Nairobi during September 2-6, 1996. It is anticipated that COGWO will serve as a focal point for FEMNET in Somalia.

3. PAWLO

COGWO also joined the Pan African Women Liberation Organization (PAWLO), which is based in Kampala, Uganda in August, 1996. This network has links throughout Africa and COGWO hopes to benefit from their wealth of information sources.

4. SSI

In July/August, 1996, COGWO attended the East-African Sub-regional Post-Bejing Forum held in Kampala. The forum brought together women from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Rwanda, Somalia, Tanzania, and Uganda. Burundi women were unable to attend because of the political developments in that country. Participation in the forum enabled COGWO to bring to the table critical areas of concern for Somali women.

Towards the conclusion of the meeting, the participants adopted to establish a Sub-regional Support Initiative (SSI) which is meant to support national programs geared towards the realization of the African Platform of Action adopted in Bejing during the Fourth World Conference of Women. COGWO will join SSI once it is formally established and in the meantime has representation in its Interim Taskforce.

COGWO hopes that these linkages will (a) eliminate the isolation of Somali women from international circles and place their concerns on international agendas; (b) provide exposure and learning experiences which COGWO members (as well as others who are interested) can use as reference as may replicate them in their work areas if found relevant and possible; and (c) gain solidarity support for Somali women in general.

4.2 National Level

Not much has been done in terms of national linkages. Four reasons can be attributed to that. First, COGWO was very busy in regulating its internal affairs. Second, it is not easy to convince people of the value of joining COGWO unless they see some tangible/visible results. Third, due to logistical restraints, it was not possible for COGWO to establish regular contacts with women in other regions. Fourth it was necessary for women in other regions to put their acts together so that they can respond to other initiatives (such as COGWO) with a united voice.

Despite the above limitations, COGWO is committed to secure national linkages among women in Somalia. Informal discussion with women from the North-east region (NER) of Somalia has already led to the establishment of a:) an umbrella organization (ISRAAC) for women in the Nugaal Region and is based in Garoe, and b:) a network (WOMNET) based in Bosaso for women in the NER. Like COGWO, these two initiatives will take their own time to develop and could ultimately develop collaborative relationships. COGWO is prepared to lend them support, as far as feasible, in order to speed up their pace of growth.

In early 1997, women from other regions indicated their interest to join COGWO. Some of them have already paid their membership fees and will serve as focal points for COGWO in their respective regions.

As a follow-up to the Kampala meeting, COGWO planned to bring together about 40 women from the various regions to attend a Post-Beijing Follow up and Consolidation of National Networks Workshop to be held in Erigavo in December 1996. The expected outputs of the workshopwere: (a) an overall picture of post-Beijing achievements on gender and development will be available with the gaps identified and the critical areas (requiring joint action and close collaboration) defined. (b) seeds for developing good relations among the women are sown and a national networking mechanism is agreed upon to consolidate contacts and foster positive relations; (c) twelve women are nominated as the Somalia members to the General Assembly of the SSI; and (d) an action oriented plan is available as a follow-up for the implementation of the workshop resolutions.

As a follow-up to the above-mentioned planned intervention, COGWO plans to launch a project on Strengthening National Networking Mechanisms which is meant to facilitate creation and promotion of networking linkages among existing Somali women groups and organizations at the national and regional levels. It will provide them opportunities for discussion and exchange of ideas and experiences. A capacity building component will be incorporated to strengthen beneficiary organizations to be well equipped in undertaking their gender equality plans.

COGWO MEMBER ORGANIZANIZATIONS

(1) Buurfule Women Development Organization
(2) Suubiye Voluntary Organization
(3) Iman Women Development Organization
(4) Women Care Organization
(5) Somaliland Young Women Association
(6) Kalsan Voluntary Organization
(7) SAACID Voluntary Organization
(8) Hamar Wein MCH Center
(9) Hamar Jajab MCH Center
(10) Middle Shabelle Women Organization
(11) SIFA Voluntary Organization
(12) Somali Relief, Rehabilitation and Development Organization
(13) Shayma
(14) Hayaan
(15) Umu Rumaan Charity Organization
(16) Arbac Voluntary Organization (17) Somali National Women Organization

COGWO INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS

(1) Marium Abdulle Qaawane (
2) Asha Mohamed Abdi
(3) Habiba Sh. Hassan Hamud
(4) Ruqiya Ali Abdulle
(5) Sahra Caynte
(6) Mariam Juuni
(7) Zahra Mohamed Nur
(8) Halima Osman Babiker
(9) Mariam Yusuf Sheck
(10) Faiza Jama Mohamed

PART FOUR: Civil Society Movement

Work of COGWO Member Organizations

The Dr. Ismail Jumale Human Rights Centre

PEACE AND HUMAN RIGHTS NETWORK

A workshop entitled Somali 'Peace Advocacy Planning', organized by the Coalition for Grassroots Women Organizations (COGWO) and funded by SAACID Voluntary Organization, was held in Mogadishu during February 22-23, 1997. The workshop participants were Somali NGOs, invited from the regions of Banadir, Bay, Bakool, Gedo, Middle Shabelle, Hiiraan, Mudug, Bari, and Sanaag. This broad participation of NGOs from different regions gave the workshop a cross regional significance and solid ground for the development of future collaborations among national NGOs. The workshop had provided an opportunity for Somali NGOs to analyze their potential role in the promotion of the peace process in Somalia; and had encouraged them to formulate a common agenda for action.

The major outcomes of the workshop were the identification of workshop participant organizations that had active or planned peace programs, one year peace action-plan, and the establishment of a seven member Peace Coordination Committee (PCC), seslected from among fifteen participating organizations that laid the foundation for the Peace and Human Rights Network. Out of the fifteen national NGOs that committed themselves to launch the action plan, eleven are women-led organizations.

More national NGOs which were not present during the February 1997 workshop showed interest in joining the Network, since they were committed to peace promotion in Somalia. On July 6, 1997, seven new members joined the Network. These organizations work under certain vital principles: NGOs are not political organizations, are not seeking political power, but are organizations that function as community mobilizers and pressure groups for peace advocacy in Somalia. Total number of members of the Network is twenty-two (22).

The members had opted for a network structure that united all peace NGOs. The network' s official name is Peace Human Rights Network. Five task forces were assigned to work on five major areas of activity:

(1) Campaigning and public mobilization
(2) International lobby
(3) Political and social reconciliation lobby
(4) Information and research
(5) Human rights

Any member organization of the Network can engage itself in one or more of the task forces.

The COGWO was requested to hold the position of Secretary with the main task of providing communication and documentation facilities. The commitment to peace shown by Somali NGOs is commendable. However, they are inexperienced and lack necessary skills for the new task of campaigning for peace and political stability. There is need to improve both individual organization performance and that of the Network as a whole. It is also recognized that the national NGOs are inexperienced and weak in lobbying and advocating for issues of interest. In order to be effective, training support to improve their lobbying skills is essential.

Encouraged by the initiatives of these national NGOs, which addressed for the first time the issues of peace advocacy in Somalia, the Netherlands Organization for International Development Cooperation (NOVIB), pledged to provide a training in the special field of advocacy and lobbying. The training took place during September 10-12, 1997.

COGWO Individual Members

1. Mariam Abdulle Qawane. Born in Mogadishu in 1957, married with four children. Has an MA in development studies, BA in Economics and attended various seminars and workshops including the International Women' s Conference in Beijing. Since 1984, she worked in various organizations and capacities as: Department of monitoring and evaluation of projects of the Ministry of Planning and became the head of the Agriculture section of the same Department from 1985-86. In 1986-87 she was coordinator for the Population and Housing Census in the Bay Region of Somalia. Then in 1987, she transferred into the Ministry of Agriculture and in 1988-90 became senior researcher in Farmings ystems Section of the Bonka Research Station under the Bay Regional Agricultural Development Project. In 1993-94 she became a member of the task force for the preparation of Somali National paper for the African Regional Conference of Women in Daka, Senegal, and was elected as chairwoman for COGWO in 1996.

2. Fa' iza Jama Mohamad obtained her Master of Business Administration from the California State Universities Consortium in 1986. Accumulated ten years of experience in programming and office management. She joined COGWO in January 1996 as an individual member to inspire other members and to work clsoesly with them on important issues concerning women in Somalia. She currently works as a freelance consultant. She speaks Somali, English and Arabic.

3. Zahra Mohammed Nur, born in Mogadishu on November 19, 1956. She obtained a BA of English language from Lafole College of Education in 1977 in Somalia, and then Diploma of teaching English from the SIDAM Institute. Attended on seminars and workshops related to women' s issues, human rights and organizational development. Accumulated seventeen years of experience in programming, teaching, proofreading and broadcasting. Joined COGWO in January 1996 as an individual member. Speaks Somali, English, Arabic, Italian and French.

4. Habiba Shekh Hassan, born in Lugh-gane in 1954, married with three children. Has MSC. In Ve. Microbiology and BSc in general Vet. Also attended many vet. related seminars and several sub-regional conferences on women' s issues and has five research papers and publications. Since 1979, she has held different positions in several organizations in Somalia including deputy director in Gisoma company; deputy director of Central Vet. Laboratory; head of vaccine production section and microbiologist at Central Vet. Lab. And vet. field investigator for the Ministry of Livestock. At present, Habiba is a member of the BOD and is in charge of administration of COGWO office.

5. Rugiya Ali Abdulle, born in 1949, she has two years of economics course after the secondary school. Recently attended courses on leadership, conflict management, good governance and peace. Has 25 years of experience in Banking (1965-1990), speaks Italian, English and Arabic.

6. Halimo Osman Abiikar, born in 1958 in Mogadishu and married. She has intermediate school education and recently attended training courses on human rights and capacity building. Had worked as a telephone operator for the ministry of higher education in Somalia. Before that, she worked for the Cultural Academy for four years, the Somali Women' s Organization for ten years and for the Somali Script Committee as secretary.

7. Mariam Mohamud Mohamad, born in Mogadishu on September 28, 1962. Married with one child. She graduated from the health institute. She started working at Martini Hospital as a nurse, then became staff of physiotherapy department after attending a two year course of physiotherapy. She worked with several health organizations including MSF and Norwegian Red Cross. She joined COGWO as a chairwoman of Marry Rehabilitation. Then after having funding problems with her own organization, she is now an individual member of COGWO.

8. Mariam Yusuf Sh. Ali, born in Jawhar in 1954, married with five children. She has a Master of Law in penal and criminology from 1975-1980. She worked for Somali National University as lecturer in penal criminology in 1986-1990. Now she is chairing the Kalsan Women' s Organization since 1992. She speaks Somali and Italian.